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2019 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

2. Conceptualizing the Economic-Security-Identity Nexus in East Asia’s Regional Order

Author : Evelyn Goh

Published in: Japan and Asia’s Contested Order

Publisher: Springer Nature Singapore

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Abstract

This chapter explains the notion of “regional order,” outlining its three dimensions of structure, norm-governed interaction, and quality. It then explores four key ways in which the economic-security-identity nexus works: two “theories,” or idealized models, of this nexus that push in opposite directions—the “virtuous cycle” and the “vicious circle”—and two “practices,” or means by which policymakers and scholars have tended to deal with the economic-security-identity nexus—the former practically by pursing “parallel realities” and the latter analytically using a “balance of effect” framework. Illustrated with examples from Northeast and Southeast Asia, this analysis elucidates the main competing ways in which regional order can be shaped by complex interactions among economics, security, and identity. It also suggests the most significant avenues for further research.

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Footnotes
1
Definitions from The Oxford Modern Dictionary (Oxford, 1994).
 
2
For good overviews of this range of studies focused on the structural characteristics of order, see David A. Lake and Patrick M. Morgan, eds., Regional Orders: Building Security in a New World (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997); G. John Ikenberry and Jitsuo Tsuchiyama, “Between Balance of Power and Community: The Future of Multilateral Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific,” International Relations of the Asia Pacific 2 (2002): pp. 69–94.
 
3
Amitav Acharya, The End of American World Order (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2014).
 
4
Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (London: Macmillan, 1977), pp. 4, 8.
 
5
Barry Buzan, From International to World Society? English School Theory and the Social Structure of Globalisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
 
6
Muthiah Alagappa, Asian Security Order: Instrumental and Normative Features (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003).
 
7
Alice D. Ba, “Outside-In and Inside-Out: Political Ideology, the English School and East Asia,” in Contesting International Society in East Asia, ed. Barry Buzan and Yongjin Zhang (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 119–143; Mark Beeson and Shaun Breslin, “Regional and Global Forces in East Asia’s Economic Engagement with International Society,” in Buzan and Zhang, eds. Contesting International Society in East Asia, pp. 93–118.
 
8
Wendt (1999).
 
9
Karl Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957); Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, eds., Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
 
10
Yul Sohn, “The Abe Effect in Northeast Asia: The Interplay of Security, Economy, and Identity,” Asian Perspective 39 (2015), pp. 357–359.
 
11
Danielle Cohen and Jonathan Kirshner, “The Cult of Insecurity and Great Power Rivalry across the Pacific,” in The Nexus of Economics, Security, and International Relations in East Asia, ed. Avery Goldstein and Edward D. Mansfield (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012).
 
12
M. Taylor Fravel, “Economic Growth, Regime Insecurity, and Military Strategic: Explaining the Rise of Noncombatant Operations in China,” in Goldstein and Mansfield, eds., The Nexus of Economics, Security, and International Relations in East Asia.
 
13
Michael Horowitz, “Information-Age Economics and the Future of the East Asian Security Environment,” in Goldstein and Mansfield, eds., The Nexus of Economics, Security, and International Relations in East Asia.
 
14
See, for example, Mark Leonard, “Why Convergence Breeds Conflict,” Foreign Affairs, September/October 2013; Michael Mastanduno, “Order and Change in World Politics: The Financial Crisis and the Breakdown of the US-China Grand Bargain,” in Power, Order and Change in World Politics, ed. G. John Ikenberry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 162–191.
 
15
Ken Jimbo, “Power Shift and Power Transition: Case for Japan-China Relations,” Tokyo Foundation working paper, 18 June 2012, http://​www.​tokyofoundation.​org/​en/​topics/​japan-china-next-generation-dialogue/​power-shift-and-power-transition; Zhu Zhiqun, “The Japan-China Relationship as a Structural Conflict,” E-International Relations, 31 December 2013, http://​www.​e-ir.​info/​2013/​12/​31/​the-japan-china-relationship-as-a-structural-conflict/​
 
16
Evelyn Goh, The Struggle for Order: Hegemony, Hierarchy, and Transition in Post-Cold War East Asia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
 
17
William Callahan, China: The Pessoptimist Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); He Yinan, The Search for Reconciliation: Sino-Japanese and German-Polish Relations since World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
 
18
Shogo Suzuki, “Ontological Security in Sino-Japanese Relations,” mimeo, April 2008.
 
19
Helen E. S. Nesadurai, “Malaysia’s Conflict with the Philippines and Indonesia over Labour Migration: Economic Security, Interdependence and Conflict Trajectories,” The Pacific Review 26:1 (2013), pp. 89–113.
 
20
See, for example, Amy Seawright, “Emerging Economic Architecture in Asia: Opening or Insulating the Region?” in Asia’s New Multilateralism: Cooperation, Competition, and the Search for Community, ed. Michael J. Green and Bates Gill (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009);
Lee Jaehyon, “China is recreating the American hub-and-spoke system in Asia,” The Diplomat, 11 September 2015, http://​thediplomat.​com/​2015/​09/​china-is-recreating-the-american-hub-and-spoke-system-in-asia/​
 
21
Donald K. Emmerson, “U.S., China role play for ASEAN,” East Asia Forum, 25 November 2011, http://​www.​eastasiaforum.​org/​2011/​11/​25/​us-china-role-play-for-asean/​
 
22
Sheila Smith, Intimate Rivals: Japanese Domestic Politics and A Rising China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015), pp. 15.
 
23
Amy King, China-Japan Relations after World War II: Empire, Industry, and War, 1949–1971 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), pp. 10.
 
24
See, for example, Evelyn Goh, ed., Rising China’s Influence in Developing Asia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).
 
25
See, for example, Giovanni Di Lieto, “Trade with China or security with the U.S.? Australia will have to choose,” The Conversation, 10 November 2016, http://​theconversation.​com/​trade-with-china-or-security-with-the-us-australia-will-have-to-choose-68511
 
26
T. J. Pempel, ed., The Economic-Security Nexus in Northeast Asia (New York: Routledge, 2013), pp. 9–10.
 
27
Sohn, “The Abe Effect in Northeast Asia,” p. 358.
 
28
See especially Ba, “Outside-In and Inside-Out: Political Ideology, the English School and East Asia,” pp. 119–143; Beeson and Breslin, “Regional and Global Forces in East Asia’s Economic Engagement with International Society,” pp. 93–118.
 
29
Steve Chan, Looking for Balance: China, the United States, and Power Balancing in East Asia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012).
 
30
Natasha Hamilton-Hart, “The Costs of Coercion: Modern Southeast Asia in Comparative Perspective,” The Pacific Review 26:1 (2013): pp. 65–87.
 
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Metadata
Title
Conceptualizing the Economic-Security-Identity Nexus in East Asia’s Regional Order
Author
Evelyn Goh
Copyright Year
2019
Publisher
Springer Nature Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0256-5_2

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