“What are you going to do, Protest the Wind?”: Community Perceptions of Emergent and Worsening Coastal Erosion from the Remote Bering Sea Community of St. Paul, Alaska

This question provided insight on how much or little residents prioritized erosion in relation to other environmental concerns. Previous studies have shown that individual perceptions vary widely depending on the number of climate stressors, degree of urgency, perceived risk, and attribution of climate versus social or economic stressors (Dinero 2013; Herman-Mercer et al. 2016; Ambrosio-Albala and Mar Delgado-Serrano 2018). Respondents generally noted a definitive timeline when they began noticing erosion occurring on St. Paul and an increase in changes to the environment in recent years. These changes were related to other climate changes being perceived by residents, which is consistent with similar studies (Ambrosio-Albala and Mar Delgado-Serrano 2018; Marin and Berkes 2013). A majority of interviewees viewed erosion as a concern with potentially devastating consequences, as noted by high occurrences of the word “erosion” and erosion-related terms compared to other community concerns (i.e., decline in winter snow cover, declines in wildlife populations, shifting social behaviors, stochastic events). Erosion, however, was not viewed as being so urgent that it required immediate attention as compared to other community concerns. One of the initial questions asked in all interviews was, “Have you seen any changes on the island over your lifetime?” (Table 1). The most common responses regarding observed changes referred to the island’s declining wildlife, general societal changes within town, and weather, including changes from historical trends and increasingly unusual weather activity in recent years. According to one resident who has lived on St. Paul since the 1960s, “The seals are declining, the birds are declining,…” and they recalled how, “…we used to go a little ways out there [offshore] and drop our line to catch halibut, sometimes now we got to go 12 miles around the island to catch halibut” (interview, 24 July 2019). Another resident described how St. Paul used to have various recreation spaces for youth that are now no longer available and continued to describe how “…grocery prices have gone way up since we were younger, too” (interview, 26 July 2019). Residents who were primarily concerned with unusual weather described how the summer is “…hotter by 10 °F. We never get to the 60s, and we did this summer. Usually it’s in the 40 and 50s, but not in the 60s” (interview, 17 July 2019). There was considerable overlap in interviews where individuals talked about erosion along with these other prominent concerns, with shifts in human behavior and changes in weather commonly viewed as correlated with erosion by individuals.

Compared to these other key issues, erosion was identified as a top priority or urgent concern for four residents. One resident acknowledged a lack of prioritization and said, “With all that’s happening with the environment today, erosion should be at the top of the list. Are we doing everything we can today to monitor it? Probably not. But we’re not experienced with a bunch of life-threatening things here. A lot of our shores are volcanic and sand and we’re not seeing devastation in these areas” (interview, 15 July 2019). While collectively the community understands how potentially life-threatening erosion is to their livelihoods, many residents lack an immediate compulsion to act. This is reflected as a “lack of action” around the mitigation theme that emerged from our coding analysis, where only a few instances describing St. Paul local entities’ general lack of action to address or mitigate erosion included knowledge that there are some mitigation measures that are occurring currently (i.e., road repairs at Benson Beach, Big Lake, and Zapadni haulout).

Understandably, the community lacked a sense of urgency considering the timescale that erosion on St. Paul functions in relation to an individual’s lifetime or generational timescale. Erosion can operate at multiple and unpredictable scales, taking decades or longer to cause more than a few millimeters of loss, or causing devastation fully in the span of days to years (Nearing et al. 1999; DiBiase and Whipple 2011). While residents may acknowledge that erosion is an issue on the island, in their daily lives, the environment may look the same and erosion go undetected until a sudden large change occurs or until they reflect on what an area looked like years prior. One resident exemplified this sentiment when talking about the cemetery, “We moved the cross in [from the bluff] 20 years ago, and now it’s [bluff edge] reaching the cross again. Last year [2018] I moved it inland another 20 yards” (interview, 1 August 2019).

Access to subsistence resources was another key theme related to erosion impacts. The St. Paul community is deeply rooted in the Pribilof Islands ecosystem and draws their cultural identity from the island’s wildlife, chiefly northern fur seals, so it is understandable for the community to be urgently concerned about observed wildlife declines of important subsistence and commercial resources (e.g., Pacific halibut Hippoglossus stenolepis, snow crab Chionoecetes opilio), rather than erosion in and of itself. Northern fur seal abundance on the Pribilof Islands has declined dramatically since the 1950s, with an annual rate of decline of 4% since 1998 (based on pup production, a primary metric of abundance; Towell et al. 2016). As Pribilovian Unangax̂ self-identify as “People of the Seal”, and consider themselves responsible for protecting and being stewards of the Pribilof Islands fur seal population, it is not surprising that tribal members are much more aware of changes associated with the continued decline of the fur seal population. Additionally, recent unusual mortality events of various seabird species, including tufted puffins (Fratercula cirrhata), short tailed shearwaters (Puffinus tenuirostris), and northern fulmars (Fulmarus glacialis), are creating a stark visual for residents who are noticing the sudden abundance of bird carcasses. This is likely to induce a visceral reaction and could expedite wildlife declines as being perceived as a priority issue and a growing concern for residents.

In addition to the overall perceived lower priority concern for erosion, the community may not appear as concerned about erosion as compared to other environmental issues because of a sense that individuals can do little to prevent erosion. Some of the most commonly identified environmental concerns have concrete measures that can be pursued and implemented, giving residents a sense that they can affect positive changes. For example, in response to observed wildlife population declines, residents can advocate for conservation and management actions such as issuing fewer hunting permits, adjusting fishing quotas, and creating protected marine areas. These actions provide a level of comfort to individual community members because they are rooted in a sense of tangible accomplishments. In contrast, residents may know that there are specific measures being undertaken by various local entities in regard to erosion, but it presents more abstract effects as a result climate change. There is no clear single solution to address the issue, which can make erosion adaptation seem daunting; additionally, monitoring activities can reinforce the feeling that minimal mitigation or adaptation measures have been taken (ECO, unpub. data). As one permanent resident who has lived on St. Paul for over 20 years described, “Nature’s going to do what it’s going to do… if you try to fight it, it never goes well” (interview, 23 July 2019). Elders shared the same feeling of being a passive observer; one Elder half-joked, “What are you going to do? Protest the wind? “Stop [wind]!” Ha!” (interview, 22 July 2019).

Residents’ observations of social changes occurring on the island were also perceived as a higher priority concern, because St. Paul has greatly changed over the past 50 years. Elders noticed that younger generations seem to be more financially stable compared to previous generations. When discussing the importance of subsistence hunting, one resident described how “A lot of times it was kinda hard to get money in, so if you wanted to get something, you had to go out and work for it. Nowadays some parents are a lot wealthier than what we grew up with, so they are able to get stuff [from the store]” (interview, 24 July 2019). Some residents also expressed concern over how young adults are emigrating both temporarily and permanently. Many youths on St. Paul leave upon entering high school to attend one of two in-state boarding schools in pursuit of a perceived more rigorous education and to gain exposure to new experiences beyond the island. The concern of continued or increasing emigration over time has been prominent in the community since the 1960s (Foote et al. 1968). With these economic and demographic changes shifting on St. Paul, there has been a generational difference among community members where youth inherently have different experiences and perceptions of the island compared to Elders. The shift in the way of life has caused worry among residents about how the community will be able to preserve Unangan culture and traditions in the future, making societal and cultural observations understandably a higher priority than long-term erosion concerns.

Another reason that residents seem to lack a sense of urgency on erosion can be attributed to their awareness of more immediate concerns. Most residents noted the increase in unusual weather and discussed warmer temperatures, less snow, and increased storm surges occurring in recent years. Each of these observations center on more immediate life-threatening concerns rather than long-term issues like coastal erosion. An issue that several residents raised in relation to weather changes is the island’s source of freshwater. The groundwater on St. Paul is partially replenished by snow and residents commented on the alarming lack of snow in the past several years. As one resident said, “For me, and my opinion, environmentally our main concern is water- freshwater. Who knows where our water source is gonna be in the future”, continuing to state, “I mean in the last 6 years we haven’t really had any winters so we aren’t really accumulating all that snow melt off [runoff]. And we are not getting enough rain to replenish [the water table]” (interview, 15 July 2019). A loss of the island’s water supply would create an immediate crisis for residents. Thus, it is not surprising that this issue creates a more immediate concern for residents as erosion continues to be a chronic problem that has yet to seriously affect the community.

Regardless of the relative priority that the community places on erosion, residents are still very aware of how the pace of erosion has been accelerating in recent years. One resident noted that, “In the last 5 years we’ve seen a lot of erosion. Some of the beaches on the roads are caving in, mostly in just the last few years it changed a lot” (interview, 17 July 2019). Another resident hypothesized that, “Erosion is increasing. It might move a lot quicker now that we’re receiving a lot more storms in the fall, and the storms are hitting a lot sooner [in the season] and stronger” (interview, 24 July 2019). With this mounting concern, the community would like to see proactive measures being taken. One interviewee described how at a previous tribal council meeting, a council member brought up the idea of relocating the community cemetery, and one of the Elders exclaimed, “You can’t move people! You can’t do this!” (interview, 23 July 2019). This passionate debate is fueled by sense of history and connection to one’s ancestors, and simply discussing various mitigation options can be uncomfortable and lead to divisions within the community. Some residents would like to see proactive measures taken now to move the cemetery to a less vulnerable area, but relocation would require approval from landowners, likely TDX who acquired a majority of the land on St. Paul through the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act. Relocation would also require the pooling of capital resources and additional capacity from multiple local and external entities in addition to receiving approval from family and tribal members, which is currently a heated debate.

Based on our interviews, erosion is one of many important issues that the community faces. It has been a source of worry and stress for residents because of its slow progression over time and lack of tangible action. While other issues may take priority in the immediate future, erosion continues to wear on the minds of residents and presents a seemingly never-ending problem with complicated solutions. This is idea is also known as solastalgia, or the distress caused by environmental change to a people who have had a long-established connection to their home environment (Albrecht et al. 2007).

This second question sought to consider how the community understands erosion mitigation and adaptation and how the local entities responsible for it on St. Paul are addressing the issue. Those interviewed seemed to feel a sense of frustration with the three main local entities involved in erosion mitigation—ECO, the City of St. Paul, and TDX—as interviewees described their frustration in 41 instances. One interviewee in particular who has worked for the Tribal Government for nearly two decades described how the entities are, “…going to wait until it’s down to the bare minimum before they do something [because] they all got their own ways of working. It’s not like the old days where you can have a pow wow inside an office and go around to shake a hand and get things done” (interview, 25 July 2019). When discussing with an Elder about how costly it would be to construct a possible alternative road around the vulnerable area near Zapadni haulout, as has been previously proposed as a mitigation measure, the individual threw their arms in the air and shouted, “I want [the road] to go all the way around. I don’t care [how much it costs]! People love their seals and will do anything for them” (interview, 23 July 2019). Many residents expressed a sentiment of need for coordination and collaboration among the three local entities. Often, residents stated that “they” should act on the erosion issue, which always implied a combination of ECO, TDX, and the City, but never a specific individual entity. Petheram et al. (2014) found that similar expectations of government entities were held by residents in South Goulburn Island, Australia where a feeling that government agencies should serve a primary role in adaptation planning assistance dominated.

However, after interviewing staff from each organization, it became apparent that each entity’s actions are relatively disconnected and independent of one another. For example, when discussing who is responsible for maintaining the roads that provide access to subsistence hunting grounds and recreation areas outside of the immediate town vicinity, TDX staff indicated responsibility lies with the City, while the City indicated responsibility is held by TDX (interviews, 23 July 2019; 1 August 2019). Lacking a common understanding of their respective roles and responsibilities led to gaps in management on the island which have been directly observed by residents.

The discrepancy in residents’ understanding of what roles and responsibilities each local entity has can also at least partially be attributed to a lack of transparency and access to the monitoring information. In “The City of St. Paul’s Strategic Plan for 2017–2020”, one weakness noted was a greater need for communication with residents and a lack of understanding as to what the City does (Agnew::Beck Consulting 2017). Additionally, neither the City’s nor the Tribal Government’s websites contain any information on their respective erosion mitigation efforts, like refilling areas of loss and creating alternative access routes to access locations of importance. Beyond improving communication with residents, communication among the entities monitoring and managing erosion issues can be much improved. After learning about “St. Paul’s 2016 Hazard Mitigation Plan” through an interview, several ECO staff members noted they were previously unaware of the document’s existence (ECO, pers. comm.; City of St. Paul Hazard Mitigation Planning Team 2016).

The lack of understanding among local entities can also be ascribed to the complexity of coordinating erosion monitoring and mitigation across local managing entities, each with their own priorities, roles and responsibilities, and budget constraints. Since each organization is responsible for providing various services on the island, there is no single coordinating body to organize and streamline erosion monitoring and mitigation on the island. The lack of centralization leads to confusion that can stall monitoring, mitigation, and adaptation planning efforts.

A final source of frustration could be due to the cyclical cycle of concern and lack of action. Several residents described how erosion has been a topic of concern for decades, yet many of the solutions implemented thus far have been short term and temporary. As one interviewee stated, “…we’ve always talked about it, and nothing’s come about it…everybody’s out for the bottom line. ‘How much can I charge you?’” (interview, 25 July 2019). Another interviewee supported that sentiment by questioning, “Why couldn’t they just do it for respectfulness? Just do it for everybody in the community instead of doing it for the money?” (interview, 26 July 2019). By going through the cycle of discussing erosion issues among the relevant entities, yet not taking preventative measures, a sense of distrust grew between residents and the local organizations. Both residents and local agencies are aware of the erosion occurring on St. Paul, thus leaving residents questioning the agencies’ lack of concrete action.

While the community lacks a full and complete understanding of the work that the three entities are doing to mitigate erosion, each organization also lacks a full understanding of what the others are working on. The residents’ sense of skepticism in what “they” are working on to address the issue seems to stem from a more general sense of distrust not specific to coastal erosion. This sense of primary responsibility being inherent to government and other institutional bodies, paired with mistrust from the community, has been documented in other Indigenous communities facing climate impacts (Petheram et al. 2014; Ali et al. 2019). Additionally, in the case of St. Paul, a gap in understanding each organization’s capabilities, limitations, resources, and roles was also documented, thus demonstrating how there is room for improved coordination among the three entities.

The final research question allowed us to expand and recognize how erosion directly impacts the community’s long cultural traditions, especially considering how culture, identity, community cohesion, and sense of place are vulnerable to climate changes (Blennow et al. 2019). The St. Paul community’s devotion to maintaining ties to its culture, traditions, and history is directly related to a strong sense of place. Sense of place refers to more than the physical location of an area; it is the emotional connection one has to a place and the values, symbols, and cultural meanings associated with the area. Developing a sense of place is a personal experience unique to each individual (McCunn and Gifford 2018) but these personal experiences are tied to an Indigenous context where “place” is also connected to one’s identity, health, and culture (Walters et al. 2011; Blennow et al. 2019). Seeing places change over time due to ecological or physical processes that are in no one’s control can be detrimental to an individual and can be equivocated to a loss of spirit or identity (Snyder et al. 2003; Walters et al. 2011). As disturbances affect the physical characteristics of a place and what it means to an individual, this leads to emotional or psychological distress (Masterson et al. 2017). Therefore, potential worsening erosion on St. Paul can directly alter one’s sense of place and cause harmful distress since it can weaken one’s bond and connectedness to their environment.

All six of the identified priority locations of erosion concern represent areas that, if severely eroded, could result in potential losses related to Unangan cultural traditions, heritage, and sense of place. Specifically, residents were concerned about the island’s cemetery as a place of reverence and communion. Cemeteries serve as symbols of the distant past of a society and are indispensable for the remembrance of social events (Basso 1996). Losing this critical culturally significant site would result in the loss of almost all burial sites for permanent residents since the island’s settlement during Russian occupation (late 1700s–1800s). Additionally, the cemetery is still used today, and many residents feel a deep sense of cultural connection with the area since it continues to serve a critical role in the mourning and grieving process. Some residents’ fears of the cemetery eroding away have been present for decades. As one interviewee recounted, “I told my grandma that she couldn’t be buried at the top of the cemetery because I didn’t want to fish her bones out of the water. Such a random thing for such a young child to say, but I said that to her all the time” (interview, 26 July 2019). This sense of worry has also affected the younger generation; as one youth described, “I always hear older people talking and telling me that someday the cemetery is going to fall, and bodies are just going to come out. I believe it” (interview, 26 July 2019). Fear of the loss of the cemetery was further supported by one resident who said that the cemetery is “…our history… Our families are buried there, so when you’re up here and you have to dig to bury loved ones and you see the backside of it [the cemetery] going [eroding], it makes you stop and think” (interview, 25 July 2019). Losing the cemetery would greatly impact the community’s cultural uniqueness and sense of place, especially considering the small population of St. Paul (~450 residents). Regardless, relocating the cemetery may have to be considered in the future if changing weather conditions continue to erode the bluff where the cemetery is located.

In addition to the cultural importance of the erosion areas, subsistence hunting, and harvesting is also key components of Unangan culture that help the community obtain sustenance and maintain traditional ways of life, thus making access and ability to hunt and harvest animals paramount for the community. Of the six areas of erosion concern that residents identified during this study, five are directly tied to subsistence hunting and harvesting and their importance was mentioned by residents 87 times. Sea Lion Neck, Benson Beach, the road adjacent to Big Lake, Zapadni haulout, and Reef Rookery all provide access to hunting grounds for subsistence species that the community relies on. One resident who grew up hunting said that erosion will “…cut down on the way of life out here for a lot of people. A lot of food, a lot of natural resources. Birds, seals, fishing…” (interview, 25 July 2019). Referring to Reef Rookery, an Elder waved their hand out toward the horizon as they said that the area is used “mainly for subsistence hunting, we get everything there. Sea lion, seal, pups, kittiwakes, winter ducks, you name it” (interview, 23 July 2019). In the case of northern fur seals, a species that defines the culture and community on St. Paul and is one of the most important subsistence harvested animal on St. Paul, one resident remembered how the place where they used to hunt and harvest has changed over time. “That used to be our killing ground right there, where Zapadni Beach is. We used to hunt right there, but now with the grass and how far the wave action is, it took the whole area out” (interview, 1 August 2019). The areas identified here represent those locations with the most obvious observed changes due to erosion that may affect subsistence resources, and thus should comprise the focus for near term adaptation and mitigation efforts in the community.

When asked who taught them how to hunt, all interviewees said that they learned from their parents, aunts, uncles, grandparents, or other family members. Passing on hunting values and skills is a critical part of producing future generations of responsible and knowledgeable subsistence hunters on St. Paul. Without subsistence opportunities, the ability to transfer these skills is vulnerable to loss. One resident described how they used to hunt as a child and passed the skill on to their nephew, recalling, “I grew up going out there hunting Steller sea lions and ducks. Without that access to that [Northeast] point, it’s an area we won’t be able to hunt” (interview, 24 July 2019). Another resident reminisced about their fond memories of hunting and described how “Sometimes the whole family goes out and goes out to northeast [to hunt]. So, I think that’s pretty good, [the kids] getting a view of how to hunt so when they’re younger if they pick it up, they probably have a better chance of continuing on when they get older” (interview, 24 July 2019).

Beyond maintaining and passing on important cultural practices to younger generations, access to subsistence resources is critical for residents to obtain nutritious foods throughout the year. Grocery store foods have a long and complicated journey to St. Paul, and like many rural Alaskan villages, prices for goods are frequently over twice the retail cost of foods in larger urban centers. Produce, in particular, experiences high spoilage rates (i.e., > 65%) during the 7–14 day wait on cargo planes in Anchorage, Alaska, before reaching St. Paul (ECO, unpub. data). In contrast, subsistence foods available on St. Paul, including marine mammals, fish, roots and berries, are high in key nutrients and have sustained Unangax̂ for hundreds of years since permanent settlement of the island.

Despite how erosion may potentially weaken the community’s ability to access key resources and the ability to pass on traditions to future generations, many residents have exemplified resilience in the face of this threat. We asked residents, “What would happen if you couldn’t access these areas to hunt or harvest?” and one of the Elders who was quiet throughout the entire interview earnestly stated, “That wouldn’t happen!” (interview, 23 July 2019). Another Elder commented that, “There will always be an area where we can slaughter them [subsistence harvested northern fur seals]. If it did happen, I would shoot them myself and hunt them like we hunt sea lion” (interview, 23 July 2019). Another illustration of the community’s determination to continue accessing their traditional food sources can be shown through the creation of Hungry Man Road (Fig. 7), an off-road vehicle trail that was created by subsistence hunters during times when Benson Road, the only maintained road to the northeastern region of St. Paul, was covered in snow drift or ice. As one resident described, “That’s why Hungry Man Road was created. If you’re hungry and wanted sea lion, you have to go this way” (interview, 15 July 2019). Hungry Man Road, however, is not always safe, as observed by a community member, “There’s a treacherous area. There’s a big hole here, sand washed out, and then there’s another one [hole], so you have to drive at an angle like this [motioned sideways with their arm at an angle]!” (interview, 1 August 2019). Even today, the subsistence hunters we interviewed were steadfast with their confidence that if there is a will, there is a way. This vivid determination to continue accessing the same resources that their ancestors utilized exemplifies the community’s mentality in combating the impacts of climate change including erosion impacts. Regardless of what will happen, some residents hold a resolute confidence that they will somehow be able to continue their traditional ways of life. Indeed, it is this characteristic of resolution to adapt and thrive that is most notable in Alaska Native cultures.

In addition to observations of how erosion affects their connection to the cemetery and subsistence hunting areas, St. Paul residents also commented on how erosion has affected their emotional connections to the island overall. One resident posited, “It’s basically just kind of like watching a playground get torn down. I’ve played all over the place on St. Paul everywhere, on cliffs and things like that, dangerous things, but you take a walk around town and look at them as an adult and you can notice everything you noticed as a kid- gone” (interview, 26 July 2019). Similarly, many residents shared sentimental memories from some of the places that are most threatened by erosion. For example, Zapadni haulout holds a special place in one of the young interviewee’s consciousness. After joyfully telling a colorful story of how the individual’s family went on a trip there, the youth commented that they would, “feel very sad [if Zapadni haulout eroded away] because that’s a place where you can look at seals and feel very safe” (interview, 24 July 2019). Indeed, many residents hold sentimental memories and feelings of security tied to a specific set of locations on St. Paul. On a similar note, one of the adult interviewees described how, “I used to be really excited to go out [to Northeast], but now I absolutely refuse to look over by the lake because I don’t like to see how close we are towards the edge”, and continued to say, “It’s sad to see things changing, I mean things are always going change but you don’t like to see things changing for the worse” (interview, 26 July 2019). With the current and worsening visually obvious erosion occurring on St. Paul, many residents developed altered views of the future of St. Paul; one Elder solemnly stated, “I think St. Paul will no longer be sand” (interview, 22 July 2019), highlighting how quickly beaches are eroding away. These thoughts of how the island has changed over time, or may change in the future, demonstrate how the effects of erosion have created a changed sense of place for at least some residents. For some residents, the emotional connection that they once had with the island has manifested into a sense of worry and fear of how St. Paul will look in the future. Recognizing that the original settlement of St. Paul is rooted in slavery and colonialism, there is an already present intergenerational trauma that weighs on and affects residents. Despite being forcefully relocated from the Aleutian Chain to the Pribilof Islands, Unangan developed a strong enduring cultural identity specific to St. Paul. Erosion adds to these other stressors on the community and has produced as yet unknown effects on residents’ sense of place.

St. Paul residents have always exemplified resilience in adapting and creating solutions to erosion, but we must recognize and call attention to the extreme emotional toll of losing one’s sense of place. Residents have very strong attachments to St. Paul, attributed to deep enduring ancestral and cultural connections to the land and sea; reliance on subsistence activities for biophysical, emotional, and cultural health and well-being; and a multifaceted reverence and understanding of the natural environment. The threat of losing critical regions on St. Paul due to new or worsening erosion would dramatically alter the community since these changes could undercut the emotional and psychological basis of their sense of place and home. Even though residents may still be located on St. Paul, the slow progression of change may necessitate adjustment and adaptation to a different location than where residents have previously thrived.