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Erschienen in:
Introduction: Analogue Computers in the History of Computing Kapitel lesen Erstes Kapitel lesen

2010 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

2. A Multi-Stranded Chronology of Analogue Computing

verfasst von : Dr. Charles Care

Erschienen in: Technology for Modelling

Verlag: Springer London

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Abstract

In the historiography of analogue computing, much of the existing scholarship conflates what are really two separate themes: calculation and modelling. On further investigation, it becomes clear that this dichotomy of ‘equation-solving’ versus ‘modelling’ also exists in the historical sources. This chapter uses a multi-stranded chronology to narrate the history of analogue computing and remain faithful to these themes. It introduces the different types of technology, and also provides an outline of the histories of various key machines and inventions. It is argued that it was not until the concept of an ‘analogue computer’ emerged that the two strands of the technology’s history (modelling and equation-solving) were unified.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Introduction: Analogue Computers in the History of Computing
Nächstes Kapitel Modelling Technology and the History of Analogue Computing
Fußnoten
1
This chapter is an expanded form of a previously published article (Care 2007a).
 
2
Developed during wartime USA, the Harvard Mark I became operational in 1944 and was based on electro-mechanical components. However, the future for both analogue and digital computers would be found in the speed and flexibility of electrical and electronic components. Other important early work includes that of the German pioneer Konrad Zuse, and engineers within the British code breaking effort of World War II. In terms of future influence on computing technology, much of the significant innovation was American.
 
3
Working at Iowa State College during the 1930s, Atanasoff had developed the Laplaciometer to help him solve problems based on Laplace’s equations. It was therefore a tool for solving partial differential equations (Murphy and Atanasoff 1949).
 
4
The survey of calculating machines by Vannevar Bush in his Gibbs lecture (Bush 1936) and Irven Travis’ Moore School lecture (Travis 1946) indicate how the early technology was perceived. Travis also produced an extensive bibliography (Travis 1938) which nicely preserves his perspective on the scope of relevant technology. In this work, Travis makes no reference to network analysers or other physical models.
 
5
As Akera (2007) writes: ‘Before World War II, computing was not yet a unified field; it was a loose agglomeration of local practices sustained through various institutional niches for commercial accounting, scientific computing, and engineering analysis’ (p. 25). We will see how the technologies that came to be known as analogue were a unification of both calculating and analysis tools.
 
6
This ‘similarity’ is understood to be structural, concerning correspondences of form rather than content. See ‘Analogue, n., and a.’, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn. 1989. OED online 2010, Oxford University Press, Accessed Feb. 2010, http://​dictionary.​oed.​com/​cgi/​entry/​50007887; ‘analogon’, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn. 1989. OED online 2010, Oxford University Press, Accessed Feb. 2010, http://​dictionary.​oed.​com/​cgi/​entry/​50007883; and ‘analogy’, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn. 1989. OED online 2010, Oxford University Press, Accessed Feb. 2010, http://​dictionary.​oed.​com/​cgi/​entry/​50007888.
 
7
Many examples of shifting contexts and the ‘overloading’ of technical labels exist. One example is ‘personal stereo’, the technical term for two-channel audio—stereo—becoming synonymous with a product. Similarly the musical term for soft dynamics (piano) has become a label for the instrument that was intended to be known as the piano-forte—named in light of its ability to play the full dynamical range. A few decades ago, ‘broadband’ was a specific telecommunications term, today it refers to high speed Internet access. The migration of technical jargon into cultural key words is observed whenever technology and society meet.
 
8
Singh (1999) commented on analogy being the ‘true meaning’ of analogue. It is certainly the original meaning.
 
9
The OED’s etymological notes claim that waveforms and signals were not described as ‘digital’ until the 1960s—long after the ‘digital computer’ became common. See ‘analogue, n., and a.’, The Oxford English Dictionary, Draft additions, September 2001. OED online 2010, Oxford University Press, Accessed Feb. 2010, http://​dictionary.​oed.​com/​cgi/​entry/​50007887.
 
10
See the debate over the identity of analogue computing in James Small’s critique of Campbell-Kelly and Aspray (1996) as described in Sect. 1.2, p. 9, above.
 
11
These technologies can be grouped together under the banner of ‘continuous calculating machine’, a label that appeared in the late Victorian period. Elsewhere, such devices have been classed as ‘mathematical instruments’ (Croarken 1990, p. 9), or as ‘analog computing devices’ (Bromley 1990, p. 159).
 
12
Control systems will not be considered in detail in this book and interested readers are directed to the work of Mindell (2002) or Bennett (1979). However, some of the technologies mentioned as we pass through this chronology relate to the developing association between control and analogue (particularly the gun directors and other embedded computation).
 
13
On early mechanical calculating devices see Aspray (1990c) pp. 40–45, Williams (2002), Swartzlander (2002), Henrici (1911), Horsburgh (1914). The major strength of the technologies that later became known as analogue computing was always elegant handling of the calculus. Thus, the major users of this class of machine were engineers and scientists interested in solving differential equations. Although the most common component was the mechanical integrator, mechanical analogies were developed for a whole variety of mathematical functions (Svoboda 1948).
 
14
Croarken (1990) identified that within the context of computer history, the planimeter was ‘the most significant mathematical instrument of the 19th century’ (p. 9). The elegance of the planimeter caught the eye of many Victorian thinkers, and a variety of ‘treatises’ were published on its theory. One such commentator wrote that: ‘The polar planimeter is remarkable for the ingenious way in which certain laws of the higher mathematics are applied to an extremely simple mechanical device. The simplicity of its construction and the facility with which it is used, taken in conjunction with the accuracy of its work, envelop it in a mystery which but a few of its users attempt to fathom…’ (Gray 1909, Preface).
 
15
The most popular planimeter to be manufactured was the Amsler polar planimeter, invented in 1854 and selling over 12,000 copies before the early 1890s (see Fig. 2.3). By the time of his death, Amsler’s factory had produced over 50,000 polar planimeters. Numerous other instrument makers had entered the market of developing polar planimeters and the instrument was nearly as widespread as the slide-rule. See Henrici (1894) p. 513, Kidwell (1998) p. 468.
 
16
Bauenfeind (writing in 1855) as cited by Henrici (1894) p. 505. Interestingly, the invention of the planimeter roughly coincides with major reform in German land law. The Gemeinheitsteilungsordnung (decree for the division of communities) of 1821 and the subsequent need to survey land areas must have increased the demand for such a calculating aid (Weber 1966, pp. 28–29).
 
17
The instrument belonging to the Grand Duke was exhibited at the Great Exhibition of 1851 at Crystal Palace. See Royal Commission (1851) vol. III, p. 1295, item 70, Royal Commission (1852) pp. 303–304, Henrici (1894) pp. 505–506.
 
18
Bromley (1990) p. 167, Fischer (1995) p. 123, de Morin (1913) pp. 56–59.
 
19
Although it is unlikely that his instrument was copied from Hermann, there is evidence to show that it may have been inspired by Gonnella’s design—Gonnella had sent his designs to a Swiss instrument maker shortly before Oppikofer’s invention appeared. In 1894 Henrici wrote that ‘[h]ow much he had heard of Gonnella’s invention or of Hermann’s cannot now be decided’ (Henrici 1894, p. 506).
 
20
Royal Commission (1851) vol. III, p. 1272, item 84, Royal Commission (1852) pp. 303–304, col. 2.
 
21
See Royal Commission (1851), vol. I, p. 448. John was the younger brother of Edward Sang, a mathematician who with his daughters compiled extensive logarithmic tables by hand. The Sangs were members of the Berean Christian sect and well educated. John studied at the University of Edinburgh and participated in a number of engineering projects in his home town of Kirkcaldy, Fife. See Sang (1852), RSSA (1852), Craik (2003).
 
22
Maxwell (1855a) p. 277. It is claimed that apart from Gonnella’s instrument, Sang was unaware of other planimeters at the Great Exhibition. The exhibitions were arranged by nation, not by class of device, so it is difficult to judge which instruments Maxwell discovered there. By 1855 Maxwell was aware of Gonnella’s work in Italy and made reference to it in his paper. See RSSA (1852); and Maxwell (1855b).
 
23
Maxwell (1855d).
 
24
Maxwell (1855e), Campbell and Garnett (1882) pp. 114–115. Planimeters were more of a recreational interest for Maxwell. He conceived of the design of a theoretically elegant ‘platometer’ while away from Cambridge caring for his sick father (Maxwell 1855c).
 
25
When James Thomson simplified the design and introduced some slipping, although the accuracy was acceptable, Maxwell wrote to him and suggested various strategies to return to rolling. See Thomson (1876a), Maxwell (1879).
 
26
Earlier it was identified that integrators, first mechanical and then later electronic, were an important enabling technology. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the 1876 publication of Thomson’s invention is the first occurrence of the word ‘integrator’ in English. The dictionary defines integrator as: ‘One who or that which integrates’, with the earliest known usage being due to James Thomson. See ‘integrator’, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn. 1989. OED online 2010, Oxford University Press, Accessed Feb. 2010, http://​dictionary.​oed.​com/​cgi/​entry/​50118577.
 
27
Thompson (1910) vol. II, pp. v, vi, 730, and 745.
 
28
Between 1867 and 1876 Kelvin was a member of the tidal committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, who with funding from the Royal Society and the Indian Government, investigated the mathematics of tides.
 
29
Thompson (1910), pp. 1247–1254, British Association (1876) pp. 23 and 253, Thomson (1875) p. 388.
 
30
Thomson (1876b) p. 266.
 
31
Thomson (1876b) p. 266.
 
32
These papers were communicated to the Royal Society by Kelvin. A few years later (in 1878) James would, like his brother and father before him, be elected to FRS.
 
33
Thomson (1876a, 1876c, 1876d).
 
34
Thomson (1876d) p. 275. Note that this was only a theoretical result. To employ the integrators in this way would require torque amplification.
 
35
Thomson (1882) p. 280.
 
36
After its exhibition, Kelvin’s model analyser was transferred to the Meteorological Office where it was ‘brought immediately into practical work.’ After preliminary trials, a ‘favourable report’ was submitted to the Meteorological Council and the council agreed purchase a full-size machine constructed. The new machine, delivered in December 1879, was first put to use in the ‘determination of temperature constants.’ The results were compared to those measured from photographic thermograms, and others determined through numerical calculations. Previous work had used a polar planimeter to determine a mean value of these plots, the harmonic analyser allowed for more sophisticated processing. The test was successful: ‘…the accordance is so very close as to prove that the machine may safely be trusted to effect reductions which could only otherwise be accomplished by the far more laborious process of measurement and calculation.’ Scott and Curtis (1886), p. 386, Thomson (1878).
 
37
Special purpose analogue machines that could extract harmonics continued to be adapted and reworked well into the following century. Examples of mechanical harmonic analysers were developed by Hele-Shaw in the late nineteenth century. For instance Fisher (1957) described how R. Pepinsky, working at Pennsylvania State College had, in 1952, developed ‘a very large computer capable of performing directly two-dimensional Fourier syntheses and analyses’ (p. 1.5). Also, it was through the development of a harmonic analyser in the 1930s that Mauchly, one of the major pioneers of the Eniac, would begin his career in computing.
 
38
Aspray (1990c) pp. 51–54.
 
39
At this time ‘analogue’ would have referred solely to analogy.
 
40
Despite his father’s pioneering work on computing, Henry’s interest in computing came later in life. Henry spent most his career with the East India Company’s Bengal Army. He returned to England in 1874 and, in retirement, continued to promote his father’s work on calculating engines, publishing an account of them in 1889. During the 1880s he also assembled some remaining fragments of the difference engine and gifted them to several learned institutions including Cambridge, University College London, and Harvard University. Henry’s obituary in The Times refers to publications in subjects including occulting lights and calculating machines, topics that had been of great interest to his father. See Anon. (1918a, 1918b), Babbage (1915) p. 10–11, Hyman (2002) p. 90. The ‘fragment’ of calculating wheels given to Harvard would later provide an interesting link between Babbage and Howard Aiken’s Harvard Mark I, an early electro-mechanical computer constructed in the 1940s. Henry died in January 1918, aged 93. See Swade (2004), Cohen (1988).
 
41
Of course, this is really a continuous-discontinuous debate. The exchange focuses solely on continuity and could not be any broader until the first and second thematic time-lines blended together.
 
42
Shaw (1885) pp. 163–164.
 
43
Campbell and Goolden (1884) p. 147.
 
44
A few decades later, advances in aviation would move the battle ground into the skies, requiring even faster modelling of three-dimensional dynamics.
 
45
Computation on the fly needed to operate at high speed, an application that digital technology could not begin to address until after World War II. It was much easier and faster if calculations could be embedded into an artefact. This is not a new concept, for example, a simple instrument recently uncovered from the wreck of the Mary Rose used a stepped rule to encode the size of shot and amount of gun powder required for a variety of guns (Johnston 2005). Gunnery resolvers were also used in anti-aircraft defence, see Bromley (1990) pp. 198–159.
 
46
See Pollen and Isherwood (1911a, 1911b), and Mindell (2002) pp. 38–39. Pollen found it difficult to sell his idea to the Royal Navy, which had very conservative views towards automation. This conservatism would not be sustainable. May 1916 saw the World War I sea battle of Jutland, a now famous defeat for the Royal Navy, who were unable to compete against the German long range gunnery. Their defeat was partly due to a lack of gunnery computing devices, and Mindell notes how the one ship that was fitted with the Pollen system out-performed the rest of the fleet. See Mindell (2002) pp. 19–21.
 
47
Mindell (2002) pp. 24–25.
 
48
Ford (1919/1916a), Clymer (1993) pp. 24–25, and Mindell (2002) pp. 37–39.
 
49
As exemplified by Campbell-Kelly and Aspray (1996), this was based on the observation that many archetypal analogue computers (e.g. the differential analyser) dominated in this period. Small (2001) countered this idea because it contributed to the historical devaluation of post-war analogue computers. However, labelling this period a ‘heyday’ does not have to imply that there was no successful post-war story.
 
50
Mindell (2002) p. 231.
 
51
The torque amplifier works in a similar way to a ship’s capstan, allowing a small load to control a heavier load. Various means of torque amplification were used in the differential analysers and in later years the Niemann amplifier was replaced by electrical and optical servomechanisms. Bromley (1983) p. 180, Fifer (1961) vol. III, pp. 665–669, and Mindell (2002) pp. 158–159.
 
52
There are many correspondences between Bush and Kelvin. Both were successful scientists and technologists. Each not only advanced their field, but also became known for their successful management of large projects. Kelvin was directly involved in the successful laying of an Atlantic telegraph cable in 1865. See Smith (2004).
 
53
Campbell-Kelly and Aspray (1996) pp. 53–54, Small (2001) p. 41, Mindell (2002) pp. 153–161, Wildes and Lindgren (1985) pp. 82–95.
 
54
An accessible introduction to the differential analyser (with diagrams) is given by Bromley (1990). A number of differential analysers were constructed out of Meccano (See Chap. 5, p. 99) and had reasonable accuracy.
 
55
See Owens (1996), Mindell (2002) pp. 170–173.
 
56
See Williams (1954) p. 1, Care (2007b).
 
57
Bush (1936) p. 649.
 
58
Bush (1970), p. 262.
 
59
Hartree did however concede that since it was Bush’s ‘child’, he had ‘the right to christen it’. See Fischer (2003) p. 87.
 
60
Hollingdale and Toothill (1970) pp. 79–80.
 
61
See Sect. 4.3.1, p. 86, below.
 
62
As well as tanks and networks, other novel media were employed, for instance the Hydrocal, a research analogue developed at the University of Florida around 1950, was based on pipes and tanks of fluid (Anon. 1951b, p. 864). Typically, the applications that employed an indirect computer moved to digital more quickly because the problems were already in a mathematical form that could be programmed. For direct analogue computers, the transition took longer because a suitable and trustworthy digital representation had to be established.
 
63
Note that this starts to frustrate certain clear-cut definitions of analogue computing. Contemporary actors were using the labels ‘discrete analogue’ and ‘continuous analogue.’
 
64
Small (2001) p. 34. As well as conductive electrolyte, conductive ‘Teledeltos’ paper was also used extensively during the 1950s and 1960s.
 
65
Adams joined King’s College firstly as a lecturer, and subsequently held the chair of natural philosophy between 1865 and 1905. This position had been previously held by James Clerk Maxwell. Adams was an active member of the London scientific scene. He was elected Fellow of the Royal Society in 1872 and was a founding member of the Physical Society of London (now the Institute of Physics) for which he acted as president between 1878 and 1880. During 1898 Adams served on the council of the Royal Society and in 1884 was president of the Society of Telegraph Engineers and Electricians (later the Institution of Electrical Engineers). In 1888, Cambridge University awarded him a DSc. See Anon. (1897b, 1915), G.C.F. (1915), Anon. (1897a, 1888). His emphasis on experimental methods is an interesting link with other actors in this history, such as the engineers Vannevar Bush and George Philbrick, as well as the meteorologist, Dave Fultz.
 
66
See Adams (1876).
 
67
See, for instance, Nickle (1925) or Karplus and Soroka (1959).
 
68
This is shown in the annual subject indexes of the Review of Scientific Instruments, a journal published by the American Institute of Physics during this period. Between 1947 and 1950, the number of articles classified under ‘computer devices and techniques’ grew to encompass both electrical networks and more conventional analogue computers. The growth of this section is not simply due to advances in the technology. Instead we can see that there is an enclosure of the identity of ‘computing technology’—the older classifications of ‘electrical network’ and ‘counter circuits’ that existed in 1947, being either reduced in size, or removed by the early 1950s.
 
69
This was in part due to the expansion and amalgamation of American regional power grids during the 1920s. The complexities of large scale transmission networks caused unstable black-holing in the power grid. See Akera (2007) p. 31.
 
70
See Bush (1936).
 
71
A patent application was submitted in 1931, and granted in March 1933 (Mallock 1933/1931). Later that month Mallock submitted a paper describing the machine in the Proceedings of the Royal Society (Mallock 1933).
 
72
The coefficients of each variable were ‘programmed’ by the number of windings connecting that transformer to the others—clockwise windings for positive coefficients, and anti-clockwise for negative. Through applying an alternating current supply to one of the coils, the electrical circuits would reach a steady state corresponding to the equations’ solution.
 
73
See Bush (1934).
 
74
Mindell (2002) describes how Bush’s two perspectives of ‘modeling’ and ‘calculation’ were held in tension, indicating that this was the beginning of an entwinement between the empirical approaches of analogy making, simulation, and modelling; and the analytical approaches of calculation, theory and mathematics. Bush had a natural leaning towards the use of analogies. This can be seen in his earlier work on gimbal stabilisation (Bush 1919). See Mindell (2002) pp. 149–150, Akera (2007) pp. 31–32, Owens (1986), Wildes and Lindgren (1985) pp. 86–87.
 
75
Small (2001) p. 40.
 
76
Pérès came from an academic family and for his doctorate had studied under the supervision of the Italian mathematician Vito Volterra. Pérès’ thesis Sur les fonctions permutable du Volterra was submitted in 1915.
 
77
In 1924, the same year that Valensi used an electrical analogue to represent flow and the MIT network analyser was unveiled, similar work was done by E.F. Relf. A future fellow of the Royal Society (elected in 1936), Relf held the position of superintendent of NPL’s Aeronautics Division between 1925 and 1946. He also established the College of Aeronautics at Cranfield. See Pankhurst (1970), Taylor and Sharman (1928).
 
78
Pérès (1938), Mounier-Kuhn (1989) p. 257.
 
79
Mindell (2002) p. 307, Holst (1982). His obituary describes how he completed the Harvard undergraduate program in ‘record time’, entering the school in 1932 and receiving his degree in 1935. He worked for Foxboro between 1936 and 1942, under the eminent control engineer Clesson E. Mason. Mason was awarded the Rufus Oldenburger Medal for his work on automatic control in 1973. See Paynter (1975) and Anon. (2005b).
 
80
Similar activities were going on in other engineering contexts. In 1939 Helmut Hoelzer was working on early analogue computing as part of German missile research, and in Britain a team developing radar crew trainers at the Telecommunications Research Establishment (TRE) constructed an analogue simulator using electro-mechanical integrators, which they called ‘the velodyne’. The TRE was central in laying the foundations of post-war analogue computing research. Another significant research program was American research into operational amplifiers for computing at Bell labs, from which came seminal papers from Ragazzini, Randall, and Russell, whom John McLeod referred to as the ‘three-Rs’ of simulation. These three had also been involved with the wartime NDRC analogue culture. See Small (2001) pp. 66–67, 69–71, McLeod (1968) p. 15.
 
81
See Mindell (2002) pp. 199–200. Mindell lists a number of important names who worked within this research team throughout the wartime period, including the famed J.R. Ragazzini and G. Stibitz.
 
82
Alongside these activities, Philbrick continued to act as a consultant to Foxboro. See Holst (1982) p. 156.
 
83
Peaceman (1990) pp. 106–108, Bruce (1947/1943).
 
84
‘Analogue, n., and a.’, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn. 1989. OED online 2010, Oxford University Press, Accessed Feb. 2010, http://​dictionary.​oed.​com/​cgi/​entry/​50007887.
 
85
Hartree wrote that ‘the American usage is analogue and digital machines’, (Hartree 1946, p. 500). In fact, Hartree actually preferred to use ‘calculating machine’ for digital and ‘calculating instrument’ for analogue, a distinction which he derived from the Encyclopaedia Britannica where the ‘two classes of equipment [were] considered in different articles’ (Hartree 1949, p. 1). These were the articles on ‘calculating machines’ and ‘mathematical instruments’ respectively.
 
86
Atanasoff (1984) p. 234. Although he acknowledges that ‘others may previously have had the same idea’ about the separation of computers into two classes, Atanasoff (1984) claimed that he had been ‘the first to use the word analog for computers …the term I devised at the time I made this distinction and used in my 1940 manuscript (spelled there analogue)’. Even the originality of ‘analogue’ is questionable. David Mindell noted that while Atanasoff ‘may have been the first to specifically apply the term analog to a computing machine’, others were using analogy to refer to earlier circuit models (Mindell 2002, p. 387). Although used for calculation, such circuits would have not been called computers, so perhaps the real contribution of this 1940 paper was the connection between the linguistic labels ‘analogue’ and ‘computer’.
 
87
Atanasoff (1940) p. 316.
 
88
Mauchly (1984) pp. 125–126.
 
89
Mauchly (1941)—this usage was attributed to Atanasoff. While Mauchly made no direct reference in these notes to the relationship between analogue computing and the continuous representation of variables, he was aware of the connection. Note his spelling of ‘analog’ for the category, and ‘analogue’ for the concept.
 
90
Hartree (1947) pp. 7–8. Hartree did refer to continuous data, but not as a defining feature of analogue computing. He wrote that ‘analogue machines can be designed to handle continuous variables, and in particular can handle integration as a continuous process’ (p. 8).
 
91
Atanasoff (1984) p. 234. This can provide insight into his use of the phrase ‘direct calculation’ which is central to Atanasoff’s understanding of the distinction. Digital computers allow the computation to work with numbers directly whereas analogue computing manipulates measures that represent numbers. Atanasoff’s use of direct should not be confused with the two categories of analogue computers—direct and indirect—that came later.
 
92
Small (2001) pp. 54–56.
 
93
EMI (1955–1965).
 
94
Small (2001) pp. 181–182.
 
95
Eniac ran its first successful program in 1946. It should be noted that deciding which machines were ‘first’ relies largely on personal definition and is often a contested issue amongst historians.
 
96
Eckert and Mauchly (1964/1947) col. 3.
 
97
Brainerd (1976) p. 483.
 
98
Burks (2002).
 
99
Northrop were an important early user of computing technology. To signify their importance, Ceruzzi referred to them as the ‘midwife of the computer industry’ (Ceruzzi 1989, p. 19).
 
100
Edvac (Electronic Discrete Variable Computer) was the first stored-program computer developed by the digital computer pioneers at the Moore School, Pennsylvania.
 
101
Ironically, the Maddida was still too large for use in the Snark, so the final guidance system was fully analogue.
 
102
Eckdahl et al. (2003), Tropp (1987) pp. 266, 357.
 
103
Anon. (1951a). For a technical overview of the DDA, see Donan (1952), Sprague (1952).
 
104
Meissner (1954) pp. 134, 137.
 
105
See Cozzone (1952). Cozzone is also mentioned in a series of short accounts of IBM 701 users (Various 1983).
 
106
Rowley (1960) p. 9. The computer being described had been developed by AV Roe and Co. at their Chertsey research laboratories. The computer was primarily developed to manage on board navigation and also simple simulations.
 
107
Wilkes (2000) p. 538.
 
108
For Small, the commercialisation of analogue computers began in America in 1948 and in Britain in 1953. See Small (2001) p. 179.
 
109
Newell (1983) p. 196.
 
110
Holst (2000) p. 59.
 
111
ACM (1968) p. 159. The development of analogue simulation languages is discussed further in Sect. 4.4.1, p. 90, below.
 
112
Atherton (2005) p. 67, Bissell (2004) pp. 7–8.
 
113
Small (2001).
 
Literatur
Anon.: University intelligence. The Times 1888(32565), 6, Dec 10th (1888).
Anon.: Court circular. The Times 1897(35353), 10, Nov 5th (1897a).
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Metadaten
Titel
A Multi-Stranded Chronology of Analogue Computing
verfasst von
Dr. Charles Care
Copyright-Jahr
2010
Verlag
Springer London
Buch
Technology for Modelling

Print ISBN: 978-1-84882-947-3

Electronic ISBN: 978-1-84882-948-0

Copyright-Jahr: 2010

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-84882-948-0_2