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Erschienen in: Political Behavior 3/2010

01.09.2010 | Original Paper

Affect, Social Pressure and Prosocial Motivation: Field Experimental Evidence of the Mobilizing Effects of Pride, Shame and Publicizing Voting Behavior

verfasst von: Costas Panagopoulos

Erschienen in: Political Behavior | Ausgabe 3/2010

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Abstract

Citizens generally try to cooperate with social norms, especially when norm compliance is monitored and publicly disclosed. A recent field experimental study demonstrates that civic appeals that tap into social pressure motivate electoral participation appreciably (Gerber et al., Am Polit Sci Rev 102:33–48, 2008). Building on this work, I use field experimental techniques to examine further the socio-psychological mechanisms that underpin this effect. I report the results of three field experiments conducted in the November 2007 elections designed to test whether voters are more effectively mobilized by appeals that engender feelings of pride (for reinforcing or perpetuating social and cultural values or norms) or shame (for violating social and cultural values or norms). Voters in Monticello, Iowa and Holland, Michigan were randomly assigned to receive a mailing that indicated the names of all verified voters in the November 2007 election would be published in the local newspaper (pride treatment). In Ely, Iowa voters were randomly assigned to receive a mailing that indicated the names of all verified nonvoters would be published in the local newspaper (shame treatment). The experimental findings suggest shame may be more effective than pride on average, but this may depend on who the recipients are. Pride motivates compliance with voting norms only amongst high-propensity voters, while shame mobilizes both high- and low-propensity voters.

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Fußnoten
1
Coleman (1988, 1990) argues it is rational for individuals to consider civic norms when contemplating contributing to public goods. Knack (1992) builds on this work, focusing on applications to voting.
 
2
I note that early voting, which is permitted in Iowa but not in Michigan, would only make the estimated treatment effects I report below more conservative.
 
3
The ratios of subjects assigned to treatment and control conditions vary across towns due to practical considerations, primarily resource constraints. Allocations were made to maximize power given these constraints.
 
4
Notwithstanding my best efforts to avoid interference, I cannot rule out the possibility that treatment subjects interacted with subjects assigned to the control conditions, thus violating the basic assumption of no interference in causal inference. I acknowledge that such violations can potentially add bias to the estimated treatment effects, but the direction of the bias can be positive or negative.
 
5
According to the 2000 U.S. Census, the population in Holland, MI was 35,048, 3,607 in Monticello, IA and 1,149 in Ely, IA. Per capita incomes in 2000 were $20,857, $16,699, and $20,936 for locations respectively.
 
6
As noted above, all three towns included in the experiments are small (in terms of population) and have similar socioeconomic (per capita income) characteristics, but there are some differences. Households in Holland, MI contain more women, and voters in Monticello, IA households are generally older, than in the other sites.
 
7
Ideally, subjects in each experimental location (context) would have been randomly exposed to both treatment conditions (pride and shame), but this was avoided, primarily for practical reasons, in order to prevent a violation of the stable unit treatment value assumption (SUTVA) that could occur as subjects in the same community interact. Given the choice to focus on relatively small towns, there would have been such a danger in introducing both treatments in any one setting. Such contamination could have compromised the reliability of the experimental results.
 
8
The original intent was to publish voters’ names as indicated. After receiving several calls from local elections officials expressing concerns about publishing names in the newspapers, I decided to bypass this step. This decision followed the election, however, and there is no reason to suspect subjects would have anticipated the names would not ultimately to be published. I expect the decision not to publish the names exerted no influence on subjects’ reaction to the initial intervention.
 
9
The post-experimental criterion validity check was conducted between October 30 and November 2, 2008. Ideally, the manipulation check would have been conducted in advance, but the results should be consistent. Students completed the survey online and data was collected using www.​surveymonkey.​com.
 
10
This approach is adopted from work in social psychology. See Lerner and Keltner (2001) and Lerner et al. (2004) for details.
 
11
Details about the manipulation check and a complete questionnaire are available upon request.
 
12
I note the criterion I adopt to determine “successful contact” (postcards were not returned) is quite conservative. It is conceivable that failure to treat subjects could have resulted from other impediments (cards were delivered late, discarded without being seen by the intended household members, or not looked at until after the election). I acknowledge that non-treatment of cases assigned to be treated may include observable (returned postcards) as well as unobservable non-treatment. Such measurement error in a known direction would plausibly increase the estimated treatment effects, however. A narrower definition of “successful contact” to take such circumstances into account would likely only enhance the number of unsuccessfully treated subjects, thereby increasing the magnitude of the observed treatment effects.
 
13
I also include a dummy variable to account for cases of missing or unavailable covariate data.
 
14
I note that restricting the analysis to comparisons between the two Iowa towns included in the study, which exhibit greater similarities (in terms of geographic location (Cedar Rapids metropolitan area), demographic composition, and baseline voting propensity), suggests the pride and shame treatments were roughly equally effective.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Affect, Social Pressure and Prosocial Motivation: Field Experimental Evidence of the Mobilizing Effects of Pride, Shame and Publicizing Voting Behavior
verfasst von
Costas Panagopoulos
Publikationsdatum
01.09.2010
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Political Behavior / Ausgabe 3/2010
Print ISSN: 0190-9320
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-6687
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-010-9114-0

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