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2022 | Buch

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Constituency Communication in Changing Times

herausgegeben von: Prof. Luigi Ceccarini, Rosanna De Rosa, James L. Newell

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

Buchreihe : Political Campaigning and Communication

Enthalten in: Springer Professional "Wirtschaft+Technik" , Springer Professional "Wirtschaft"

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Über dieses Buch

This volume employs a comparative approach to cast light on representation and representative processes from a communications perspective. It focuses on online constituency communication, aiming to provide a perspective from which to empirically study the changes taking place in the relationship between citizens and their representatives. The (hyper)mediatisation of politics and society is here considered a relevant enabling factor, because it creates the conditions leading to change in the nature of democratic processes. The chapters discuss Podemos, the Lega, Law and Justice, and the Five-star Movement as good examples of this phenomenon.

Populist and nationalist forces have emerged as bottom-up and top-down entities aiming to embody the will of the people, or to push for democratic processes to be more inclusive. Until now, however, the intersection between populist and nationalist discourses and the related question of representation have been largely ignored. By analysing the transformations that have taken place in MPs’ communication practices in non-election periods, the contributors illuminate how social media is affecting MPs’ communication and examine the strains in the relationship between executives and legislatures that populist and nationalist parties exploit.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Frontmatter

Introduction

Frontmatter

Chapter 1. Reframing Constituency Communication in Changing Times

Abstract

The insecure citizen, the powerful consumer and contaminated communication are the three metaphors used to explain the kind of cultural revolution currently underway in Western democracies. From a media ecology perspective, culture, communication and technology are not only deeply interrelated, but they compete with other agencies and institutions to occupy socio-political space. Digital media have reduced the distance between citizens and representatives allowing for greater control of media resources by individual members of Parliament. The focus has shifted from parties to party leaders, and in some respects even to representatives. In this context, reframing representation according to the milieu of new social media can offer some preliminary answers to two relevant questions: are we moving towards a personal parliament? Does the future of democracy lie in the hands of direct representation?

Luigi Ceccarini, Rosanna De Rosa, James L. Newell

Chapter 2. Studying Constituency Communication

Abstract

Online constituency communication could be understood as a form of ‘representation mediated by communication’ where informal and unmediated forms of participation and citizen engagement sit, quite incongruously, alongside traditional forms of legitimation. The chapter is devoted to synthesizing the methodological approaches found in existing empirical research with a view to creating a general framework for further analysis. This is not intended to be exhaustive but is designed to give a sense of direction and to provide a research perspective. The literature explored here—although limited—has contributed to the development of such a framework, thus making possible a fruitful debate about how MPs have reacted to political changes and communication channelling via (new) media opportunities. It also includes some methodological notes to identify emergent aggregate patterns in party cohorts, thus allowing comparison across different levels.

Rosanna De Rosa

Populism in Action

Frontmatter

Chapter 3. Populism in Action

Abstract

From the 1970s, populist leaders and discourses emerged all over the world, with an explosion during the financial crisis 2009–2014. Thus, populism also became popular in the scholarly literature and in public debate. According to Ricolfi (Sinistra e popolo. Il conflitto politico nell’era dei populismi. Longanesi, Milano, 2017), we can distinguish three phases. The first was a reappearance phase, from 1972 to 1984, which saw several populist parties emerging in countries such as Norway, Denmark, Greece, France and Italy. 1984 to 2008 represents a proliferation phase, which saw a mushrooming of populist parties all over Europe, apparently without a clear connection. Finally, from 2008 to 2016, there was a breakthrough phase, which saw the consolidation of populist parties in Europe, with significant electoral support for most of them. The short introduction to Sect. 1 aims at framing the case studies.

Rosanna De Rosa

Chapter 4. The Party-Hive: The Constituency Communication of the M5s

Abstract

Described as a populist, anti-system party, a post-politics movement, the M5s in 2018 became the most-voted party and the majority stakeholder in the Italian government. This chapter explores the structured and unstructured constituency communication of the M5s analysing the roles played by the individual representatives in the various arenas, and the communicative space they occupy in social media. An important dimension of analysis concerns the contribution of constituency communication to the construction of the ‘party-in-public-office’ through a narrative that strengthens the government’s popularity and support. The chapter is based on empirical data gathered from social media as used by M5s parliamentarians and analysed using an approach combining online behaviour tracking and key performance indicator analysis.

Rosanna De Rosa

Chapter 5. The Party-Influencer: The Constituency Communication of Podemos

Abstract

The last decade in Spain has been extremely turbulent, characterised by a growth in the complexity of the party system due to the emergence of new protest and nationwide parties. Podemos is one of them. The chapter analyses the constituency communication of the elected members of Podemos. The analysis first illustrates the political context by describing the main electoral and competitive characteristics of Spanish democracy, then focuses on the last general election, held in November 2019. A quantitative and qualitative analysis of Podemos’ officials’ communication through Facebook and Twitter has been carried out. We demonstrate that Podemos’ MPs’ communication is mainly influenced by two variables: an institutional variable, linked to Podemos’ competitive position, and an organisational variable, linked to the distribution of power resources within the party itself.

Francesco Campolongo, Francesco Raniolo, Valeria Tarditi

Chapter 6. Platform Politics: Comparing the Five-Star Movement and Podemos

Abstract

For new parties, interconnection with contemporary globalized society is indispensable, especially as it is facilitated by the pervasiveness of communication technologies. In the variety of their forms and aspirations, the new parties relate to society and politics in ways that are unprecedented and innovative in terms of forms and styles of political action. A first element of novelty concerns the parties’ nature, which, despite institutionalization, sees them continuing to reject traditional party discourses and to resist processes of normalization. A second element is the internal pressure to innovate their own political repertoires by developing software platforms as democratic innovations and technological simulacra of party organizations. In this chapter we compare the democratic affordances of two platforms: the M5s’ Rousseau platform and Podemos’ Participa Podemos. The results are interesting even if, from a normative perspective, they are disappointing.

Rosanna De Rosa

Sovereigntism in Government

Frontmatter

Chapter 7. Sovranism in Government

Abstract

Populism, nationalism and sovereigntism are often treated as synonyms, or at least as variants of one another, even though, from a rhetorical point of view, they rely on different conceptions of ‘the people’. The concept of sovereigntism overlaps with those of nationalism and populism, but it more clearly originates from the new cleavage created by political globalization, namely, the divide between governing national institutions and ruling supranational organizations, or in other words, between state and supra-state institutions. Sovereigntism emerged, in fact, as a reaction to globalization and to those governance processes that have placed public decisions beyond the reach of national citizens and institutions. This short chapter aims at theoretically framing the studies of two right-wing parties: the Lega and the Law and Justice party.

Rosanna De Rosa

Chapter 8. The Shape of Water: The Constituency Communication of the Lega in Power

Abstract

The Lega was the first populist party to achieve any kind of electoral success in Italy since the days of ‘qualunquismo’, which had until then represented the ideal-type of right-wing populism. In 2013, the party acquired a new leader and a revised ideological platform. Matteo Salvini, the new secretary of the Lega, sought to reposition his party as one with a nation-wide appeal without completely abandoning its territorial and federalist vocation. This change required the identification of new EU-framed issues and an obsessive focus on security and immigration, which moved the party to a position that was identified by using the neologism, ‘sovereignitist’. In this chapter, the salient aspects of Lega MPs’ communication are highlighted, showing that it remains firmly anchored to the values of territorial identity and tradition without really becoming a national discourse.

Annarita Criscitiello, Rosanna De Rosa

Chapter 9. Traditional Ideologies in Modern Technologies: The Constituency Communication of the Law and Justice Party

Abstract

In 2015, for the first time since the fall of the communism, the Law and Justice (PiS) party (conservative in terms of ideology and leftist when it comes to social and economic policy) won a majority in parliament and was able to form an independent (non-coalition) government. The party used its power to establish tight control over public media and the judiciary. It is organized as a traditional mass party, but with a structure that reflects constituencies, and it presents itself as a rather exclusive party, one that carefully selects its membership and exercises a very high degree of internal control. In this context, how its MPs provide representation through communication is an interesting question. This chapter mainly focuses on the use of Twitter for the purposes of constituency communication in the pre-election and inter-election periods.

Olgierd Annusewicz, Agnieszka Bejma

Chapter 10. Embodying People Comparing the Lega and the Law and Justice Party

Abstract

Law and Justice and the Lega are two radical right-wing parties that have received somewhat different electoral mandates. The support given to PiS appears to be strongly linked to the idea of the sovereignty and autonomy of the nation in policy making—especially in the fields of energy transition, justice, immigration and Catholic culture—but it does not question full adherence to the European project. In Italy, support for the Lega is more clearly based on Eurosceptical attitudes linked to austerity, the Euro and migration policies. Sovereignty is thus conceived differently by the two parties and so has different connotations in their communication. In this chapter we compare the two parties in terms of their nature as parties, their relationships with the media and the nature of their leadership.

Olgierd Annusewicz, Agnieszka Bejma, Rosanna De Rosa

Conclusion

Frontmatter

Chapter 11. Conclusion: The Many-Sided Constituency Communication in the Age of Post-representative Politics

Abstract

The book has revealed that for the M5s and Podemos, constituency communication—although limited to the use of social media—reflects some of the problems that have emerged in new populist parties. These include the problematic coexistence of outlooks reflecting the entities’ self-conceptions as movements and as parties; the difficulty involved in reconciling the contradiction between their lack of internal pluralism and their claims to promote participatory democracy; the instrumental use of platforms to bypass the influence of party cadres and so avoid internal conflict. The PiS and the Lega, in contrast, are parties with solid organisational structures, with a long history and strong leadership. However, all the parties analysed practice direct forms of representation. This takes the form of the direct involvement of citizens in selection of the political class in the cases of the M5s and Podemos, and in selection of people embodying the parties’ values in the cases of the Lega and the PiS. Somehow, post-representation seems to be a form of hyper-representation.

Luigi Ceccarini, Rosanna De Rosa, James L. Newell

Backmatter

Titel: Constituency Communication in Changing Times
herausgegeben von: Prof. Luigi Ceccarini
Rosanna De Rosa
James L. Newell
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-91370-0
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-91369-4
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91370-0