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2017 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

6. Explaining the Great Stagnation

verfasst von : Vincent Geloso

Erschienen in: Rethinking Canadian Economic Growth and Development since 1900

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

As we have seen in previous chapters of this volume, from 1945 to 1960 Quebeckers lived through a period of great prosperity and progress: they became wealthier, healthier and better educated; furthermore, their behaviours evolved without the considerable increase in state involvement in social and economic affairs that was observed after 1960.

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Vorheriges Kapitel The Great Catch-Up of 1945–1960: Quebeckers’ Social Behaviour and the Church

Nächstes Kapitel Explaining the Transition to the Great Catch-up

Albert Faucher & Maurice Lamontagne. “Histoire de l’Industrialisation”, in: René Durocher & Paul-André Linteau (Eds.), Le Retard du Québec et l’infériorité économique des canadiens-français, Québec, Éditions Boréal Express, 1971, Vol. 1–32.

Morris Altman. “Resource Endowments and Location Theory in Economic History: A Case Study of Quebec and Ontario at the Turn of the Twentieth Century”, Journal of Economic History, 1986, Vol. 46, No. 4, pp. 999–1009.

Marc McKinnon & Daniel Parent. Resisting the Melting Pot: The Long Term Impact of Maintaining Identity for Franco-Americans, Montréal, Centre Interuniversitaire sur le risque, les politiques économiques et l’emploi, 2005, p. 6.

Robert Armstrong. Structure and Change: An Economic History of Quebec, Montréal, Gage Publications, 1980, pp. 209–217.

Robert Higgs. The Transformation of the American Economy: 1865–1914, John Wiley and Sons, 1971, p. 116; L’Annuaire Statistique du Québec. Québec City, Ministère du Commerce et de l’Industrie, 1914 Edition; www.measuringworth.com for the exchange rate. In my assessment, a differential of 21% was significant enough to warrant mention in this volume.

Mary McKinnon, Chris Minns & Alan Green. “Conspicuous by Their Absence: French Canadians and the Settlement of the Canadian West”, Journal of Economic History, 2005, Vol. 65, No. 3, pp. 822–849.

Fernand Ouellet. Histoire économique et sociale du Québec, 1760–1850, Montréal, Fides, 1966; Fernand Ouellet. Lower Canada, 1791–1840: Social Change and Nationalism, Toronto, McClelland-Stewart, 1980.

Norman Taylor. “French Canadians as Industrial Entrepreneurs”, Journal of Political Economy, 1960, Vol. 68, No. 1, pp. 37–52.

Allan Greer. Peasant, Lord, and Merchant: Rural Society in Three Quebec Parishes, 1740–1840, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1985.

This is probably the most popular argument in Québec’s historiography at present even if there is no need for such a strange model as numerous neoclassical models in economics recognize the possibility of maximizing under differing constraints. For example, risk-averse individuals might be prone to accept behaviours that do not maximize income but rather attempt to maximize income under the constraint of a strong aversion to risk. The most celebrated research paper in the eyes of economic historians is that of Donald McCloskey – yet that paper is never cited by Québec historians. In fact, in many discussions with Québec historians, this author has realized that although it is cited more than 200 times, this article which makes the claim that different constraints can lead to different strategies is completely unknown to Québec historians (see Donald McCloskey. “English Open Fields as Behavior Towards Risk”, Research in Economic History, 1976, Vol. 1, No 2, pp. 124–171). Neither do they tend to be aware of the work of Theodore Schultz on farming which is cited more than 3,000 times according to Google scholar (Theodore Schultz. Transforming Traditional Agriculture, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1964). Even more striking is their general willingness to ignore the massive pool of evidence for other countries, notably England, on differing maximizing strategies under different constraints that have often be misattributed to “mentalities” (Richardson, Gary. “The Prudent Village: Risk Pooling Institutions in Medieval English Agriculture”, Journal of Economic History, 2005, Vol. 65, No. 2, pp. 386–413).

Winifred Rothenberg. “The Market and the Massachusetts Farmers, 1750–1855”, Journal of Economic History, 1981, Vol. 41, No. 2, pp. 283–314.

The two works worth consulting first on this topic are those of Sheilagh Ogilvie and Tracy Dennison (Tracy Dennison. The Institutional Framework of Russian Serfdom, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011; Sheilagh Ogilvie. “The Economic World of the Bohemian Serf: Economic Concepts, Preferences, and Constraints on the Estate of Friedland, 1583–1692”, Economic History Review, 2001, Vol. 54, No. 3, pp. 430–453.

Frank Lewis & Marvin McInnis. “The Efficiency of the French-Canadian Farmer in the Nineteenth Century”, Journal of Economic History, 1980, Vol. 40, No. 3, pp. 497–514.

Peter Boettke, Christopher Coyne & Peter Leeson. “Institutional Stickiness and the New Development Economics”, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 2008, Vol. 67, No. 2, pp. 331–358.

Elinor Ostrom. Understanding Institutional Diversity, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2009.

Mary McKinnon & Daniel Parent. “Resisting the Melting Pot: The Long Term Impact of Maintaining Identity for Franco-Americans in New England”, Explorations in Economic History, 2012, Vol. 49, No. 1, p. 36.

Ibid., figure 2.a et 2.b, p. 37.

Barry Chiswick. “The Earnings and Human Capital of American Jews”, Journal of Human Resources, 1983, Vol. 18, No. 3, pp. 313–336.

Ibid., figure 2.c et 2.d, p. 38.

André Ryan. The Clergy and Economic Growth in Quebec (1896–1914), Québec City, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1966, p. 257.

Louis Duchesne. La Population du Québec au 20 ^ème siècle: un siècle de mutations, Québec, Institut de la Statistique du Québec, 2007, p. 17.

André Ryan. The Clergy and Economic Growth in Quebec (1896–1914), Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1966, p. 258.

Dominique Foisy-Geoffroy. Esdras Minville: Nationalisme économique et catholicisme social au Québec durant l’entre-deux-guerres, Montréal, Éditions du Septentrion, 2004, pp. 68–69.

Benoît Rigaud, Michelle Jacob, Paul-Émile Arsenault & Charlie-Florent Mballa. Rôle et action de l’État en éducation, Montréal, Observatoire de l’Administration Publique, 2008, p. 6.

Ibid., p. 7.

Marc Egnal. Divergent Paths: How Culture and Institutions Have Shaped North American Growth, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 141.

Yves Roby. Les Québécois et les Investissements Américains (1918–1929), Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1976, p. 90.

Gilles Paquet & Jean-Pierre Wallot. Un Québec Moderne, 1760–1840: Essai d’histoire économique et sociale, Montréal, Éditions Huburtise HMH, 2007.

Julian Gwyn. Excessive Expectations: Maritime Commerce and the Economic Development of Nova Scotia, 1740–1870, Montréal & Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1998.

Avner Greif & David Laitin. “A Theory of Endogenous Institutional Change”, American Political Science Review, 2004, Vol. 98, No. 4, pp. 633–649.

Marc Egnal. Divergent Paths: How Culture and Institutions Have Shaped North American Growth, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 152–155.

Ibid., pp. 154–159.

Dumais, Mario. “L’économie québécoise contemporaine”, in: Rodrigue Tremblay (Ed.), L’économie québécoise, Montréal, Les Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1976, p. 111.

Yves Roby. Les Québécois et les Investissements Américains (1918–1929), Québec City, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1976, p. 84.

This magazine would eventually be known by the title L’Action nationale, which exists to this day.

Fernande Roy. “Nègres blancs d’Amérique ?”, Liberté, 2009, Vol. 51, No. 3, p. 48.

Ibid., pp. 97–99.

Yves Roby. Les Québécois et les Investissements Américains (1918–1929), Québec City, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1976, pp. 70–84.

Bernard Vigod. Quebec before Duplessis: The Political Career of Louis-Alexandre Taschereau. Kingston and Montreal McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1986, pp. 91–109.

Patricia Dirks. The Origins of the Union Nationale. Doctoral thesis. University of Toronto School of Graduate Studies, 1974, pp. 19–21.

Yves Roby. Les Québécois et les Investissements Américains (1918–1929), Québec City, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1976, p. 71.

Conrad Black. Duplessis: L’Ascension, Montréal, Éditions de l’Homme, 1977, pp. 126–127.

Yvan Lamonde. Histoire des Idées Sociales au Québec: 1896 à 1929, Montréal, Éditions Fides, 2004, pp. 149–150.

Fernande Roy. “Nègres blancs d’Amérique ?”, Liberté, 2009, Vol. 51, No. 3, p. 49.

Jean-Claude Dupuis. “La pensée économique de l’Action française (1917–1928)”, Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française, 1993, Vol. 47, No. 2, pp. 193–219.

Conrad Black. Duplessis: L’Ascension, Montréal, Éditions de l’Homme, 1977, p. 122.

Jean-François Tremblay. L’Agriculturisme et le Roman de la Terre Québécois – 1908 à 1953. Master’s thesis, Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, 2003.

John Isbister. “Agriculture, Balanced Growth and Social Change in Central Canada since 1850”, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 1977, Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 673–697; Jean-Paul Wambach. “Deux siècles de croissance agricole au Québec, 1760–1985”, Recherches Sociographiques, 1988, Vol. 29, No. 2–3, pp. 181–199.

Jean-Paul Wambach. “Les Tendances de la productivité totale dans l’Agriculture: Canada, Ontario, Québec, 1926–1964”, Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics, 1967, Vol 15, No. 1, pp. 119–130.

Marvin McInnis. “The Trend of Regional Income Differentials in Canada”, Canadian Journal of Economics / Revue Canadienne d’Économique, 1968, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 459–462.

This point is well summarized by Pol Antras & Hans Joachim Voth. “Factor Prices and Productivity Growth During the British Industrial Revolution”, Explorations in Economic History, 2003, Vol. 40, No. 1, pp. 52–77.

Nick Crafts & Knick Harley. “Output Growth and British Industrial Revolution: A Restatement of the Cratfs-Harley View”, Economic History Review, 1992, Vol. 45, No. 4, pp. 703–730; Thomas Kögel & Alexia Prskawetz. “Agricultural Productivity Growth and Escape from the Malthusian Trap”, Journal of Economic Growth, 2001, Vol. 6, No. 4, pp. 337–357.

Historical Statistics of Canada: Section M – Area of Land in Farm Holdings, Census Data, Canada and by Province, 1871 to 1971, Ottawa, Statistics Canada, 1983; Historical Statistics of Canada: Section M — Farm Holdings, Census Data, Canada and by Province, 1871 to 1971, Ottawa, Statistics Canada, 1983.

John Isbister. “Agriculture, Balanced Growth and Social Change in Central Canada since 1850”, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 1977, Vol. 24, No. 4, pp. 673–697.

Robert Armstrong. Structure and Change: An Economic History of Quebec, Montréal, Gage Publications, 1980, p. 214.

Norman Taylor. “French Canadians as Industrial Entrepreneurs”, Journal of Political Economy, 1960, Vol. 68, No. 1, pp. 37–52.

Norman Taylor. “The Effects of Industrialization – Its Opportunities and Consequences – upon French Canadian Society”, Journal of Economic History, 1960, Vol. 20, No. 4, pp. 638–647.

Ibid., pp. 647–648.

Marc Egnal. Divergent Paths: How Culture and Institutions Have Shaped North American Growth, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998, p. 138.

Ibid., pp. 152–158.

Robert Armstrong. Structure and Change: An Economic History of Quebec, Montréal, Gage Publications, 1980, p. 231.

Ibid , pp. 233–234.

Douglass C. North. Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 78.

Livio Di Matteo. “The Determinants of Wealth and Asset Holding in Nineteenth-Century Canada: Evidence from Microdata”, Journal of Economic History, 1997, Vol. 57, No. 4, pp. 907–934.

Titel: Explaining the Great Stagnation
verfasst von: Vincent Geloso
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Buch: Rethinking Canadian Economic Growth and Development since 1900
Print ISBN: 978-3-319-49949-9

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-49950-5

Copyright-Jahr: 2017
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49950-5_6