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Erschienen in:
Introduction: Making Anti-LGBT Hate a Crime in the Twenty-First Century Kapitel lesen Erstes Kapitel lesen

2024 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

5. “I Am Not a Rainbow Revolutionary”: Factors Shaping LGBT Politics in Poland

verfasst von : Piotr Godzisz

Erschienen in: State Responses to Anti-LGBT Violence

Verlag: Springer Nature Switzerland

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Abstract

This chapter combines a review of existing literature with new research to scrutinise the multifaceted elements that shape the approach to anti-LGBT hate crime in Poland. It uncovers that the combined influence of sociodemographic factors, political transformation, European Union membership, party politics, constitutional crises, the politicisation of LGBT issues, and the rise of the anti-gender movement has fostered an environment where LGBT rights have become a primary moral issue that politicians exploit to create divisions. Despite pressure from non-governmental organisations and international entities, and amidst the liberalisation of society, no government has advocated for the amendment of the Criminal Code to acknowledge anti-LGBT hate speech and hate crimes in this high-stakes context. Further, by mapping the distinct political paths of various LGBT rights legislative proposals, the chapter reveals a nuanced landscape of opposition. In this landscape, the ambiguous position towards hate speech and hate crime laws differs from the complete dismissal of legislation pertaining to same-sex partnerships. The chapter highlights the importance of this granular approach in assessing the adoption of the hate crime model and lays the groundwork for more comprehensive analysis of the problems and opportunities related to combating anti-LGBT hate crimes and the effects of these initiatives.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Ups and Downs of the Anti-LGBT Hate Crime Project in Europe
Nächstes Kapitel Stop the Hejt: Framing and Prioritising Anti-LGBT Hate Crime in Advocacy Campaigns
Fußnoten
1
I understand “politicisation” as “the act of naming something as political, including the controversies surrounding the acceptance of this naming” (Palonen, 2003, p. 182). In other words, it is a “process through which a given phenomenon or issue enters the sphere of “the political” and thus turns into a target of contention, a hub for conflicts, a space open to alternatives and controversies” (Bobba & Hubé, 2021, p. 10).
 
2
Although hate speech and hate crime constitute separate concepts (as explained in Chapter 1), I will use the term "hate speech and hate crime laws" in the context of Polish law. This is due to both phenomena being unified under the same provisions of the Criminal Code, leading to advocacy activities typically addressing them as a collective entity.
 
3
The latest census was conducted in 2021 but its full results, particularly regarding religion, have not been published as of May 2023.
 
4
96 people, including Poland’s president Lech Kaczyński and other leaders, died in a plane crash nearby Smolensk in Russia on 10 April 2010.
 
5
The legislation was further tightened in 2020, when the politically influenced Constitutional Tribunal decreed that terminating a pregnancy due to foetal impairment contravened the constitution.
 
6
Laws criminalising same-sex sexual activity between consenting adults were enacted on Polish territories by the occupying powers during the country’s partitions (1795–1918), and remained in force until 1932, i.e., the enactment of the new Polish Criminal Code.
 
7
In reality, in 2021, there were only 10 recorded crimes against Christians in Poland, while significantly higher numbers were recorded for racist (252, including anti-Roma), antisemitism (89), and anti-Muslim incidents (62) (ODIHR, n.d.). While crimes motivated by anti-Christian bias are an important concern in parts of Europe such as Türkiye, by distorting the statistics and framing acts such as offences of religious feelings as hate crimes, Ordo Iuris undermines the experiences of genuine victims and hinders efforts to effectively combat bias-motivated violence.
 
8
Interview-03-LGBT-rights-activist1-2015-08-11.
 
9
Interview-19-HRCtee-2015-11-21.
 
10
Indeed, it is noteworthy that the reluctance of PO politicians to advance LGBT rights legislation seems inconsistent with the voting preferences of their electorate, which appear fairly progressive. For instance, in 2013, 61% of PO voters favoured the introduction of registered partnerships for same-sex couples (TNS Polska, 2013).
 
11
Interview-03-LGBT-rights-activist1-2015-08-11, Interview-15-trans-rights-activist2-2015-10-08.
 
12
The Government Plenipotentiary is one of two Equality Bodies in Poland; the other is the Commissioner for Human Rights, which also serves as the NHRI. Each government modifies the institution’s exact name, status, and mandate to align with its respective ideological stance. Leszek Miller’s social-democratic government introduced the role as the Government Plenipotentiary for Equal Status of Women and Men in 2001. However, the conservative government led by Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz dissolved the post in 2005. Donald Tusk’s government reinstated the position in 2008, renaming it the Government Plenipotentiary for Equal Treatment. Subsequently, conservative governments led by PiS marginalised this role and merged it with the Government Plenipotentiary for Civil Society Affairs in 2016. The two positions were separated again in 2020.
 
13
EU equality frameworks are still not fully transposed. The Anti-Discrimination Act (Sejm, 2010) does not protect from discrimination on grounds of SOGI in access to education, higher education, goods and services, health care, housing, and social security.
 
14
Relatively unknown is the fact that, as a consequence of being amended or reinterpreted, certain laws provide limited legal protection to LGBT people. Specifically, a 2016 resolution by the Supreme Court (Sąd Najwyższy, 2016) broadened the definition of a cohabitant, thereby enabling same-sex couples to refuse to testify against their partners.
 
15
Currently, legal gender recognition is only possible in Poland through a court ruling, based on a combination of Civil Code provisions and case law. The process requires a medical diagnosis of gender dysphoria and the court practice which developed requires the transgender person to sue their parents for wrongly stating their legal gender in the birth certificate. The process is widely criticised by LGBT activists as lengthy, invasive, and stigmatising (Godzisz & Knut, 2018).
 
16
In a 2021 poll (CBOS, 2021a, p. 10), 43% of Poles supported recognition of same-sex unions, up from 25% ten years before (49% were against).
 
17
Until late 2023. The broad-based democratic coalition that replaced the PiS-led government following the October 2023 elections included the pledge to legislate against hate speech and hate crimes based on sexual orientation and gender (gender identity is not mentioned) in the coalition agreement. At the moment of writing (December 2023), this is still in the plans.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
“I Am Not a Rainbow Revolutionary”: Factors Shaping LGBT Politics in Poland
verfasst von
Piotr Godzisz
Copyright-Jahr
2024
Buch
State Responses to Anti-LGBT Violence

Print ISBN: 978-3-031-53800-1

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-031-53801-8

Copyright-Jahr: 2024

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-53801-8_5