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Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology 1/2018

24.01.2018

Life Histories and Political Commitment in a Poor People’s Movement

Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology | Ausgabe 1/2018

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Abstract

Even though social movement research has developed an elaborate understanding of how individuals get involved in collective action, our theories frequently fail to capture the full diversity of activists’ experiences following recruitment. In this article, I argue that in order to analyze why people follow different trajectories after they join a movement we need to focus on the interaction between their individual backgrounds and their experiences while mobilized. I address these issues through the study of activists in the unemployed worker’s movement in Argentina (also known as the Piqueteros), one of Latin America’s most influential contemporary instances of collective action. Drawing on 133 in-depth interviews with current and former activists, as well as participant observation of events in their organizations, I find that through the interplay between their practices in the movement and other aspects of their lives, some of them gradually see participation as an end in itself. Their involvement provides refuge from the personal consequences of long-term socioeconomic decline by offering a combination of three particular rewards: access to places to belong, a feeling of empowerment, and the recognition by others in the community.

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Fußnoten
1
In the Argentinean context, a self-built brick home in a family-owned lot of land is a symbol of working-class respectability. Thus, Diego highlights the fact that his house was not completed by the time he was laid-off as a sign of personal failure.
 
2
Two particular mechanisms contributed to the movement’s continuing importance: The incorporation of grassroots organizations into the national government’s coalition of support, and policy reforms promoting the delegation of social assistance management into local institutions. For more on these mechanisms, see Perez (Forthcoming).
 
3
Fifty-five respondents identify as male, 76 as female, and two as transgender. Twenty-four are in their 20s, 12 in their 30s, 28 in their 40s, 41 in their 50s, and 28 are older than 60. Thirty-seven joined their organization in the 1990s, 69 in the 2000s, and 24 after 2010. Three respondents were unclear about the time of their recruitment. All names of respondents have been replaced with pseudonyms.
 
4
As with any data-gathering methodology, life-story interviews pose specific challenges. An individual’s recollection of personal experiences is inevitably imperfect, especially for events farther back in time. Impression management imposes another difficulty, as respondents are less likely to accurately describe aspects of their lives that they see as affecting other people’s perceptions of them (Goffman 1959). I addressed these issues by structuring interviews as chronological reconstructions of the respondent’s history. Organizing questions that way minimizes the possibility that relevant facts are forgotten, by providing both interviewer and subject with a mental map to identify issues in need of elaboration (Weiss 1994). Moreover, I avoided questions about motivations, as these tend to be affected by social desirability bias. Instead, I followed the advice of Jack Katz (2001, 2002) of asking “How?” instead of “Why?” questions, as the former are more likely to elicit responses reflective of actual experiences (also see Weiss 1994). For examples of a similar methodology, see Munson (2008), Viterna (2013), and Wood (2003).
 
5
Identifying, contacting, and meeting dropouts was more time-consuming than planned. Moreover, interviews with people who were critical of their former groups occasionally affected my rapport with informants. Hence, I decided to interview only a subsample of dropouts and focused on recruiting a broader sample of current participants.
 
6
A typical day in my fieldwork entailed travelling to a neighborhood office of an organization early in the morning. I participated in either regular activities (moving foodstuffs, workfare duties, cooking) or special events (marching, blocking roads, camping during a protest). When there was an opportunity to do an interview I did so. Otherwise, I would just stay there, watching and talking to people. I returned home in the late afternoon to write fieldnotes.
 
7
Respondents used various terms to refer to those kind of participants: “iron fellows,” “the same as always” or “the ones who stay in good and bad times.”
 
8
To satisfy this condition, transcripts must include at least one specific mention of something valuable the respondent had sacrificed to remain involved. Generic references unaccompanied by an actual example do not count. The most common examples were spending less time on enjoyable activities (26 mentions); devoting money to the organization’s expenses or participating ad-honorem (22 mentions), having conflicts with relatives who disapprove of their involvement (12 mentions); using their house as an organization’s locale (11 mentions); being violently repressed (10 mentions); participating despite physical ailments (10 mentions); and rejecting job offers (nine mentions).
 
9
To satisfy this condition, my fieldnotes must include at least one reference to the respondent spending time in an activity for which attendance was required by neither their workfare program nor their organization.
 
10
In Argentina, “negro” is a derogatory term referring to the working class. For more on this word, see James (1988).
 
11
I coded a respondent as referring to refuge if the transcript includes at least one occasion in which s/he describes how specific practices in the movement help him/her cope with a negative aspect of his/her personal life.
 
12
Twelve respondents were born outside of Argentina, yet their overall experiences do not seem to differ significantly from native-born activists. This is likely due to how long ago they had migrated. All of the foreign interviewees had lived in Argentina for more than 15 years by the time of our first meeting.
 
13
Interpersonal distrust is a growing problem in Argentina. A 2011 report showed that in 2004–2010, the percentage of respondents feeling unsafe due to crime rose from 68% to 83%, even though actual crime rates are much lower (ODSA 2011). According to Latinobarometro (2016), only 25% of Argentineans say that most people can be trusted.
 
14
Since 2013 I asked interviewees if they participated in any community institution other than the movement. Of the 93 interviews since then, only 27 (less than one in three) include mentions of such participation.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Life Histories and Political Commitment in a Poor People’s Movement
Publikationsdatum
24.01.2018
Erschienen in
Qualitative Sociology / Ausgabe 1/2018
Print ISSN: 0162-0436
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7837
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-018-9371-5

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