Skip to main content

2016 | Buch

Emerging Powers, Emerging Markets, Emerging Societies

Global Responses

herausgegeben von: Steen Fryba Christensen, Li Xing

Verlag: Palgrave Macmillan UK

Buchreihe : International Political Economy Series

insite
SUCHEN

Über dieses Buch

The rise of emerging or new powers has recently become one of the most researched areas in International Relations. While most studies focus on relations between traditional and emerging powers, this edited collection turns the focus 180 degrees and asks how countries outside these two power sets have reacted to the emerging new world order.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Frontmatter

Introduction and Theoretical Discussion

Frontmatter
1. The Emerging Powers and the Emerging World Order: Back to the Future?
Abstract
Since the late 1990s, and especially in the new millennium, the world has been witnessing the dramatic rise of China, together with several large developing countries — Brazil, Russia, India — and many other countries that are labeled as the “Second World” (Khanna, 2012). In the current era of globalization and transnational capitalism, the ascendance of these emerging powers has redefined international relations (IR) and the international political economy (IPE) of upward mobility among the core, semi-periphery and periphery countries — a three-level hierarchy understanding of the world economic system as seen in world-system theory (Wallerstein, 1979, 2004). Furthermore, in concrete terms, the rise of new powers is affecting a number of global relationships — this includes those between great powers, the global South and developing countries — and new patterns of regionalization and regionalism are being generated.
Steen Fryba Christensen, Li Xing
2. From “Hegemony and World Order” to “Interdependent Hegemony and World Re-order”
Abstract
In studies of world politics and international relations (IR, IPE and world order), the concept of “hegemony” is often applied to describe different enduring aspects of an order in the international system. It is a useful instrument in conceptualizing and understanding the dynamic and dialectic interplays in world order and international relations/systems. Realism perceives hegemony as the dominance by one leading state in interstate relations, such as in the concept often used by realism: “hegemonic stability”. Liberalism sees hegemony as being embedded in the interactions of each individual at the bottom, and in the norms and values of international institutions as rule-settlers at the top. And world system theory emphasizes state-based class and material forms of a hegemony which is shaped and maintained by a global division of labor. This division of labor constantly generates and regenerates unequal exchange, and that, in turn, differentiates the strong/rich versus the weak/poor, not only economically, but also politically and militarily.
Li Xing
3. BRICS and Capitalist Hegemony: Passive Revolution in Theory and Practice
Abstract
In May 2008, Russia hosted the first formal summit between Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) in Yekaterinburg; in December 2010, South Africa was formally invited to join the BRIC group of large emerging economies (BRICS). The BRIC acronym was originally coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, chief economist for Goldman Sachs, when the global investment banking and securities firm advanced the argument that these emerging economies (or “contender states” engaged in a catchup struggle — see van der Pijl, 2006) were likely to surpass the traditional economic powerhouses of the global economy by 2040 (O’Neill, 2001).
Ian Taylor

The Global South

Frontmatter
4. How Prioritized Is the Strategic Partnership between Brazil and China?
Abstract
This chapter aims at conducting a broad analysis of Brazil-China relations in order to reveal the extent to which the strategic partnership between Brazil and China is prioritized. This question is of great importance within the thematics of this book as it deals with the issue of the character of the BRICS coalition, as well as with the issue of intra-BRICS cohesion. Many observers and analysts of the dynamics of global politics find that the rise of China and the formation of the BRICS coalition on the international political scene is a significant novelty in the international system, and relations between China and Brazil are of great importance to intra-BRICS relations and BRICS as a group. Maria Regina Soares de Lima and Ricardo Castelán (2013) suggest that from a realist perspective, the world “is witnessing a very interesting moment of imbalance between order and power” in which emerging powers are gaining in relevance. Will China and Brazil’s strategic partnership influence the nature of this imbalance?
Steen Fryba Christensen
5. India as an Emerging Power in the Global Order: On Geopolitics and Geo-economics
Abstract
India eagerly embraced its position as an emerging power and a member of the BRIC(S)1 coalition and was triumphant when the financial crisis started in the USA and, initially at least, seemed to affect only the rich Western economies. However, India did not escape the repercussions of the crisis and, from around 2010, growth rates plummeted among all BRIC(S) countries. “Broken BRICs” became a popular viewpoint (Sharma, 2012). While Russia and Brazil experienced the most marked decline, India saw its growth rate almost halved, and pessimism concerning the future became widespread. India went from annual growth rates of 8–9 percent to 4–5 percent. This was not bad seen in a global context, but dramatically short of expectations, domestically and internationally.
Jørgen Dige Pedersen
6. Situating the Gulf States in the Global Economic Redrawing: GCC-BICs Relations
Abstract
The steady decline of oil prices in the last quarter of 2014 magnifies concerns over the fiscal health of Gulf States.1 Perpetual failure to diversify significantly has further exposed Gulf economies to risk. Despite the experiences of oil decline in the past, especially the experience of the 1980s–1990s, the region has circled back to similar questions on how to respond to economic imbalances derived from sustained dependence on natural resource export and labor import. These questions have extra resonance in countries such as Bahrain and Oman, with more limited hydrocarbon revenues and more acute socio-economic pressures. Yet, the global economy of 2015 has also changed significantly from the last sustained oil crisis. Today, emerging economies such as the BICs (Brazil, India, China), and especially Asian economies, are playing a more significant role. Compared with the mid-2000s, hydrocarbon trade with the West is declining relative to trade with Asia and, overall, the Gulf is less central to energy markets.
Crystal A. Ennis
7. BRICS in Africa and Underdevelopment: How Different?
Abstract
Barely a week passes without some new official report, media article, or conference eulogizing Africa and its growth figures, this then being automatically and uncritically extended to announcements about the unlimited potential for capital accumulation and profit to be made in this new frontier. This is natural, given the ongoing dominant social system and its normative values where the underlying logic and driving force of capitalism and capital is the accumulation of profits; in the words of Marx, the “boundless drive for enrichment” and the “passionate chase after value” (Marx, 1867/1976, p. 254). It is this “dynamic of endless accumulation” and quest for “accumulation for its own sake” (Brenner, 2006, p. 80) that makes capitalism such a pioneering and productive economic system, albeit intrinsically and pitilessly exploitative. Played out in Africa, “Business conferences are filled with frothy talk of African lions overtaking Asian tigers” (Economist, March 2, 2013).
Ian Taylor
8. Reconfiguring Political Alliances and the Role of Swing States: The Strategy of Bolivia and Its Relations with the BRICS
Abstract
In July 2014, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov was quoted saying that the BRICS mechanism is now so developed that it “can transform into a political alliance”. The creation of the BRICS bank was an important step, as termed by Vladimir Putin, since it poses a clear challenge to the International Monetary Fund and the “foreign policy decisions made by the United States and their allies” (quoted in Durden, 2014). With these words, Lavrov was making specific reference to the work within the Group of 20 (G-20), where the BRICS has many allies, such as Argentina, Mexico and Indonesia. According to him, these countries “speak in the common voice with BRICS in the G-20 on the reform of the international financial system” (quoted in Xinhua, 2014). Only one month earlier and in a different context (the Group of 77 plus China summit), the President of Bolivia, Evo Morales, turned out to be in favor of the disappearance of the Security Council of the United Nations (UN). His argumentation was based on the function he attributes to the Security Council of reproducing asymmetrical power relations between countries. Particularly, he claimed that “instead of assuring peace among nations, it [the Security Council] has fostered war and the invasions of imperial powers in order to expropriate the natural resources of the invaded countries” (quoted in Vicepresidencia, 2014).
Óscar García Agustín

Europe

Frontmatter
9. A Small State Maneuvering in the Changing World Order: Denmark’s “Creative Agency” Approach to Engagement with the BRICs
Abstract
How are small states managing the shift under way in the global economic and political order from the USA and Europe towards other regions, especially Asia? In the International Relations literature, there is a tendency to focus on the great powers — they set the scene, and the small states have to adjust, and therefore their different national political characteristics, values and preferences are not seen as having a strong influence. Being small is seen as an inherent disadvantage in international politics, but are there also advantages? Analyzing how Danish foreign policy, especially the Danish approach to the BRICs, has developed in recent years, I show how Denmark — a small state — is trying to maneuver in the changing world order through a “creative agency” approach.2
Camilla T. N. Sørensen
10. New Tourists at Old Destinations: Chinese Tourists in Europe
Abstract
The tourism sector has become one of the most important economic sectors in the world. The United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) estimates that tourism-related activities account for about 9 percent of the world’s total GDP. Despite the global financial crisis, international tourism has experienced continued growth, expanding by 5 percent worldwide in 2013 (UNWTO, 2014, p. 3). The fastest growth happened in the Asia-Pacific region fueled by the growing disposable incomes of the newly emerging middle classes, but even traditional destinations such as Europe experienced a growth in arrivals of more than 5 percent in 2013. UNWTO expects this growth to continue at an average rate of about 3.3 percent per year for the next 15–20 years. For destinations interested in benefitting from this prospective growth, China has become an object of special interest. While China has long been one of the most popular destinations for international travelers, the country has only recently emerged as the largest source of international travelers. In an overturning of the traditional division of labor within the tourism sector, where developing nations have long been important destinations for international travelers, the wanderlust of China’s emerging middle class now extends from regional destinations such as Hong Kong and Japan to classic European destinations, with France and Italy as the preferred holiday spots in Europe (Timemetric, 2014).
Karina Madsen Smed, Ane Bislev

Conclusion

Frontmatter
11. Emerging Powers, Emerging Markets, Emerging Societies: Global Responses
Abstract
In Chapter 1, we presented our understanding of the “great transformations” taking place in international relations and in the international political economy. These transformations are also creating responses at national level in terms of economic/market orientation, political alliance, development strategy, and so on. One of the book’s key objectives is to provide a good framework for understanding the relationship between the rise of emerging powers and the existing world order, with an empirical focus on worldwide responses.
Steen Fryba Christensen, Li Xing
Backmatter
Metadaten
Titel
Emerging Powers, Emerging Markets, Emerging Societies
herausgegeben von
Steen Fryba Christensen
Li Xing
Copyright-Jahr
2016
Verlag
Palgrave Macmillan UK
Electronic ISBN
978-1-137-56178-7
Print ISBN
978-1-349-85093-8
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-56178-7

Premium Partner