We begin by describing what we mean by the peri-urban landscape. We then outline the characteristics of these landscapes to show how they differ from others, e.g. rural or urban, and to set the context for illustrating what we propose are the main challenges for engaging peri-urban landholders in NRM. We then present what we consider to be three main challenges for engaging peri-urban landholders and describe the implications of these for effecting meaningful NRM outcomes.
11.3.1 Characteristics of Peri-Urban Landscapes
There is no single universal definition for peri-urban landscape; in fact it is the subject of much debate within the literature (Buxton and Choy
2007; Mbiba and Huchzermeyer
2007). However, it is possible to describe peri-urban landscapes conceptually as the landscape that occurs between dense continuous urban development and the rural countryside (Nelson and Deuker
1990). No clear boundaries exist to demarcate where these landscapes begin and end; instead they exist on a continuum between urban and rural settlements. The conceptual description provided here is what we consider to be a peri-urban landscape for the purposes of this chapter.
Regardless of the preferred definition for a peri-urban landscape there are numerous common elements to these landscapes that distinguish them from others (Buxton et al.
2006). Peri-urban landscapes are dynamic and transitional, they have new and diverse communities forming and land use change is occurring at a rapid rate. It is these characteristics that make it challenging to engage peri-urban landholders in NRM.
For example, in a 2010 study investigating changes in rural property ownership, Mendham and Curtis found that in the Corangamite catchment (located west of Melbourne, Victoria), areas in close proximity to larger metropolitan centres (Ballarat, Geelong, Melbourne) are being sub-divided into smaller lots and transitioning from rural to amenity land uses.
These changes in land use are resulting in changes to landholder demographics across the area (i.e. a shift away from traditional farmers to lifestyle landholders). In turn, this is creating a more diverse mix of landholders with differing values, property aspirations and economic circumstances (Mendham and Curtis
2010).
Given that these new lifestyle landholders report lower levels of knowledge and skills in land management, and are less focused on agricultural production, conventional approaches used to engage landholders, e.g. through agricultural extension officers, will be far less effective (Mendham and Curtis
2010).
Compared to rural areas, land in peri-urban areas has a larger number and greater variety of land uses, with diversity increasing closer to metropolitan centres. In Australia, this change has been observed most notably along the eastern and south western seaboards over the last 20 years, and it is continuing at an ever increasing rate (Darbas et al.
2010).
Lifestyle properties in peri-urban areas are used for a variety of purposes, e.g. horse agistment, vineyards, and smaller lots also support more traditional intensive agricultural production, such as vegetables and poultry.
With increases in smaller residential lots comes the need for infrastructure and amenities to service the increasing population moving into these areas (Buxton et al.
2006). This further increases the diversity of land uses and commonly includes a mix of industry, manufacturing, conservation areas, green and open space for recreation.
Conflict over land use in peri-urban areas is therefore common, given the diversity of uses (Buxton et al.
2006). For example, residential housing may be located next to a publically managed grassland reserve that requires burning to maintain ecological function. This can cause concern for residents who may view fire as a threat to their property. Previously the organisation or agency responsible for undertaking fire management activities may not have had to engage the community about ecological burning and similarly new landholders moving into these areas may not be familiar with or understand the importance of ecological burning to maintain the health of the grassland. In turn, this can lead to residents submitting complaints to the local council and ecological burning being stopped. As a result the grassland becomes further degraded.
Rural landholders often comment that there seems to be many similar agencies involved in land and water management, which can create confusion and uncertainty. This is an even greater issue in peri-urban landscapes with both urban and rural land management agencies and groups being involved, e.g. local NRM planning organisations, local councils, state government environment, planning and development departments, water authorities, Landcare, land developers and infrastructure agencies.
This means that often multiple organisations are attempting to engage with peri-urban landholders about many different topics at the same time. Through surveys and focus groups conducted with peri-urban landholders for various projects, we have consistently found that landholders report being contacted by multiple agencies and organisations, (e.g. water authorities, catchment management authorities, Landcare, local council, seeking their involvement in NRM activities. In many cases we found landholders have little awareness of the different environment agencies and, if they are interested, can be confused about the most appropriate contact in relation to NRM issues. For instance there were many cases where they had never heard of the local catchment management authority (CMA) and were unwilling to engage with any such organisation.
We found this was the case when running a series of focus groups and interviews with landholders in south east peri-urban Melbourne (Pearcedale, Koo Wee Rup, Yarra Glen) as part of reviewing a project that focused on protecting threatened species habitat. Some of the peri-urban landholders had not heard of CMAs or Landcare and some were confused about where the grant money to complete on-ground environmental protection works had come from. This meant that even when they were interested in participating in an NRM program they did not know where to go for help when they were having difficulty, e.g. filling out the application forms, ordering plants, getting plants in the ground. In some cases this led to landholders pulling out of the project altogether.
Peri-urban landscapes are experiencing high development pressure as a direct result of transitioning land uses (Darbas et al.
2010; Millward
2002; Murphy and Burnley
1996). Sub-division of land into smaller lots means substantially more people are moving into peri-urban areas over a short space of time. This is causing fragmentation of natural resource assets and loss of connectivity between assets (Williams et al.
2001). Native vegetation is perhaps one of the most obvious examples. Smaller lots cause fragmentation of vegetation as a result of the establishment of infrastructure, fencing, buildings and roads (Darbas et al.
2010). This leads to smaller isolated patches of vegetation across the landscape and ultimately a loss of connectivity. Smaller isolated patches of vegetation are more sensitive to edge effects and disturbances like disease and fire. The magnitude and intensity of the changes described here becomes greater as you get closer to the urban centre.
11.3.3 Addressing Competing Government Priorities
Peri-urban landscapes are contested spaces. The composition of peri-urban landscapes is a product of the multiple competing government priorities driving development of these areas (Buxton et al.
2006). Planning policies, such as Melbourne 2030, have supported the conversion of rural land into residential lots on Melbourne’s urban fringe in a bid to improve housing affordability and availability for Melbourne’s growing population. In addition, new residential developments demand open space for recreation and increased infrastructure such as road networks (State of Victoria
2002).
In these same areas, economic policies are driving agricultural production for example, vegetable farms in Werribee South and Koo Wee Rup (Wyndham City Council
2010; DPCD
2011) and industrial land use, e.g. development of manufacturing and distribution factories in Dandenong and Laverton (DSE
2009). In conjunction, conservation policies are also driving environmental protection in these landscapes (e.g. the Victorian Volcanic Plains Grassland Reserves) (CoA
2010).
Often and particularly in peri-urban landscapes economic and social priorities conflict with environmental priorities. This means trade-offs are made and much of the time economic and social priorities come before environmental priorities (Buxton et al.
2006). In some cases it is possible to meet social, economic and environmental priorities in the landscape. However this is extremely challenging in peri-urban landscapes.
Government priorities are in part driving the diversity of landholders in peri-urban landscapes. In turn, this makes it difficult to engage the mix of landholders who have been driven to move or stay in peri-urban areas for different reasons.
The challenge of competing government priorities in peri-urban landscapes has two main implications for engaging landholders and effecting meaningful NRM outcomes:
Firstly, we have found that peri-urban NRM project targets are often overly ambitious and do not take account of the landscape context (i.e. number and diversity of landholders across the landscape). Commonly, in peri-urban NRM projects limited information about how competing land uses might affect the achievement of NRM objectives is built into the project planning process, (e.g. achieving desired revegetation targets to connect habitat in a fragmented landscape that includes pockets of residential development dispersed with agricultural production).
This was observed in a peri-urban biodiversity project we reviewed focusing on protecting habitat for three threatened species southeast of Melbourne. The targets set for habitat enhancement, such as fencing to protect remnants and revegetation, were not met. We propose that this was in part a result of underestimating how the complexity of land uses across the target area might impact the extent of revegetation and remnant protection that was possible.
Secondly, we have found that landholder engagement targets are usually constructed around environmental outcomes without adequate consideration or understanding of the target audience. Therefore, this impacts the level of participation in the NRM project that can be achieved and consequently the biophysical outputs, e.g. hectares of revegetation, that can be achieved.
Inadequate understanding of the target audience is a common issue across many NRM projects and this presents problems for predicting engagement success and therefore setting appropriate landholder engagement targets. This issue is particularly amplified in peri-urban landscapes where there are more landholders in the landscape who are more diverse with different values and aspirations for their land.
In our review of the threatened species habitat projection project, we found that landholder participation targets were driven by the desired biophysical targets, and were not fully tested against an understanding of the local community. For this project, a general mail out of an invitation letter was one of the main tools used to engage landholders. A standard letter from the CMA was sent out inviting all landholders across the project area, including lifestyle and rural properties, to get involved. The mail out seemed to be based on the assumption that landholders across the project area are homogenous and would respond to this invitation in much the same way as rural landholders. This was expected to generate the desired uptake and therefore the biophysical targets would be met. This was however not the case, and uptake was well below what was expected after the first round mail out.
It is therefore important for NRM organisations and agencies to be aware of, and understand, what is driving land use and landholder behaviour in these areas. In turn, this helps projects to be realistic about participation rates and what they can achieve when setting NRM targets. Integrating biophysical and social data into project planning and target setting is important in all NRM projects, but perhaps even more critical in peri-urban areas.
Aligning NRM projects to government priorities and setting targets for these projects is further complicated by the competitive nature of funding and investment programs which drive NRM organisations, in some cases, to set unrealistic targets based on timeframes and budget available to complete the project. There are two options for addressing these issues, to secure a greater amount of funding or reduce the targets.
11.3.4 The High Number and Diversity of Landholders
The large variety of land uses and multiple factors that shape peri-urban landscapes creates more complexity for engaging landowners in these areas. This presents numerous challenges for planning and designing engagement approaches in peri-urban landscapes (Kearney and MacLeod
2006). As peri-urban landscapes are experiencing high population growth, the number of landholders to engage in NRM projects is greater compared to a rural landscape of the same size. This means the time and effort required to engage landholders in these landscapes is also likely to be greater.
Through the work we have done delivering small landholder property management workshops in Tasmania, the various focus groups we have conducted with peri-urban landholders on the outskirts of Melbourne as well as review of the literature on this topic we found that peri-urban landholders:
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Have a wide range of aspirations for their properties (i.e. what they want to mange it for)
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Have a high variation in awareness of environmental values
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Have a high variation of knowledge and skills in land management and NRM
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Tend to spend less time on their property
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Are moving into peri-urban areas from other districts and urban areas, and therefore are generally not well connected in the local community
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Derive most of their income off-farm and seem to be more willing to spend money on NRM
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Have limited knowledge of NRM and related organisations (e.g. local NRM planning organisations, Landcare)
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May fear or be suspicious of government authorities and their motives
The challenge that this diversity presents is that NRM projects need to be able to appeal across a very wide spectrum of interests. In a rural area dominated by farming, an approach that focuses on just one dimension, such as the benefits to a farm operation, might generate sufficient participation. In peri-urban landscapes the approach may need to appeal to the different interests stated above (i.e. the wide variety of; property aspirations, environmental awareness, NRM skills and knowledge, financial capacities, familiarity with and perception of government and NRM organisations and authorities) all simultaneously in order to generate sufficient participation. This presents enormous challenges in designing and delivering an appropriate set of engagement approaches. An approach that relies too heavily on a narrow view of landholders may not be successful.
11.3.5 Using an Appropriate Mix of Landholder Engagement Approaches
Given the diversity and number of landholders in peri-urban areas we propose that multiple different approaches will be needed across the one project area to achieve an effective uptake and participation in NRM. It can be a challenge to select the right mix of engagement approaches and this will be different, depending on the peri-urban landscape.
In many cases the usual NRM engagement channels/networks like Landcare or local NRM planning bodies, e.g. catchment management authorities, may completely miss the mark. This can be a factor of new landholders, such as tree changers, sea changers, moving into the area and not being aware of such organisations.
The perceived benefits of doing environmental works will depend on the land use and property aspirations of the landholders. Whilst this is the case for all landholders (peri-urban, rural) the variety of uses and aspirations will be much wider in peri-urban landscapes. Therefore how the NRM project is pitched or messaged will be important.
For example, in our review of the habitat protection project south east of Melbourne, interviews with non-participating landholders highlighted that the language used in the generic mail out letter was not appropriate for all landholders. Words such as “covenant” and the formal language used resulted in the perception amongst some landholders that their land would be taken away or “locked up” if they got involved. Even so, some landholders who did participate reported that they were comfortable with the letter and participated as a result of receiving the letter. This clearly shows that a mix of approaches is required to engage peri-urban audiences. However, selecting the right mix can be challenging and also more expensive.