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2017 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

4. Russia’s Islamic Religious Institutions and the State

verfasst von : Simona E. Merati

Erschienen in: Muslims in Putin's Russia

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter offers an original discussion on the relations among the Islamic official organizations, the Russian Orthodox Church, and the Russian state, with a focus on religious governance, political influence, and social policies.

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Fußnoten
1
See the Introduction to this book.
 
2
Today, many scholars have noted that the term symphonia (a legal concept borrowed from the Byzantine code) may be misleading, as there never actually was a perfect balance between the powers of tsars and Church. However, it remains in the common use to indicate the Russian specific arrangement.
 
3
This School is the major school of Islamic law in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE.
 
4
This is the official translation offered by the RMC website. Elsewhere it is also spelled as Russia Muftis Council.
 
5
Tadzhuddin, however, is not immune from critiques either, especially after his much publicized – and later withdrawn – 2003 declarations in favor of terrorist attacks (Laruelle 2008; Hunter et al. 2004).
 
6
Today, Krganov is the ambitious Head of the CSBM’s Central Region muftiate.
 
7
A town in the outskirts of Moscow.
 
8
Another one is the debate on the Tatar origin of the Crown of Monomakh. Prince Monomakh is considered (especially in popular narratives) the greatest of all Kievan rulers, an example of wisdom, and of peaceful and prosperous leadership. His crown, kept in the Kremlin, is perhaps the most venerated piece in Russia’s treasure.
 
9
After a period of inactivity, in 2014 the Russia – Islamic World Strategic Vision Group has been revamped by the Russian President Vladimir Putin. It has the new, slightly different name of Group of Strategic Vision “Russia – Islamic World” (http://​rusisworld.​com). It concerns itself with political, cultural, and artistic exchanges among its member states.
 
10
The final shape that Russia should acquire in Putin’s vision is contested. Observers’ interpretations vary from a reestablishment of the Russian-Soviet Empire to the absence of any organic plan – and everything in between. For the present argument, it is not essential to devise the exact traits of Putin’s vision. The only exception would be that he has no vision at all, but I agree with the basic assumption of most of the literature that Putin is following his plan, whatever this may be.
 
11
The specific ways in which Islamic terrorism is categorized and dealt with in Russia is discussed in detail in the next Chapter.
 
12
Putin’s speech to the Muslim leaders in Ufa has been labeled “Ufa Theses” by the Group of Strategic Vision “Russia – Islamic World” (Group of Strategic Vision “Russia – Islamic World”, without date).
 
13
This is the same term used to indicate the imperial bureaucrats, notoriously inefficient and corrupt.
 
14
The complete title of the conference is “Kto oni – liudi Sunny i soglasiia? Raz’’iasnenie i opisanie puti Akhliu-Sunna val’-Jama’a s positsii veroubezhdeniia, musul’manskogo prava i sufisma, i posledstviia otkloneniia ot etogo puti” [Who are the people of the Sunna and harmony? Explanation and description of the path of the ahl as-sunnah wa l-jamāʻah from the position of the faith, of Muslim law and of Sufism, and the consequences of deviating from this path].
 
15
The full text of the fatwa is widely available online, for example, on the website of Kavkazskii Uzel (2016b).
 
16
Its effects also reverberated in the international Muslim community, especially in Saudi Arabia and Iran (see also Chapters 3 and 7 of this book).
 
17
Later, the Grand Imam distanced himself from the fatwa and stressed the legitimacy of diversity within the Sunni community (Akhmetova 2016; Aswani 2016a; Kalaajieh 2016).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Russia’s Islamic Religious Institutions and the State
verfasst von
Simona E. Merati
Copyright-Jahr
2017
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53520-3_4

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