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Erschienen in: Social Justice Research 3/2015

01.09.2015

Mindful Justice: The Search for Gandhi’s Sympathetic State After Bhopal

Erschienen in: Social Justice Research | Ausgabe 3/2015

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Abstract

One of the most startling examples of unmitigated disaster occurred in Bhopal, India, in 1984, when a Union Carbide pesticide plant exploded tons of methyl isocyanate into the air, killing 3800 people overnight. 30 years later, the plant site has not been remediated, and the estimated death toll from the explosion now has reached over 20,000. Disaster victims repeatedly have sought relief directly from the government. Yet, the Indian and US governments and Union Carbide have refused to provide the necessary resources for proper remediation. In this Article, I examine the state’s response to the Bhopal disaster using the thought of Mohandas Gandhi. Gandhi explicitly critiqued the state-corporate violence endemic to the global political economy. Yet, Gandhi’s Theory of the State, Critique of Industrialization, and Theory of Trusteeship largely have been neglected by modern scholars of disaster studies. I propose that scholars engage more deeply with Gandhi’s focus on reforming the state’s values and goals. I conclude that Gandhi’s thought ultimately leads to the conclusion that, for the foreseeable future, modern states will have violent elements, but through the models of Tibetan and Bhutanese government and the use of meditative practices, the modern state can begin to create nonviolent agencies that respond non-coercively to disaster and temper the state’s violent elements. In addition, I illustrate how Gandhi’s Theory of Satyagraha works in conjunction with his Theory of the State to accomplish state reform.

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Fußnoten
1
“The [modern aggressive] State represents violence in a concentrated and organized form. The individual has a soul, but as the [modern aggressive] State is a soulless machine, it can never be weaned from violence to which it owes its very existence.” (Gandhi, 1934).
 
2
This also explains why Gandhi welcomed partnerships between the state and NGOs to help maximize nonviolent service to society.
 
3
This is why Gandhi often stated that ahimsa was necessary to realize “Truth.” His view of justice is best understood by knowing that he treated the terms “love” and “Truth” interchangeably. In the realization of Truth (i.e., love), the individual experiences an intense identification with all things and a spontaneous compassion for others.
 
4
In Gandhi’s words, “Pure justice is that which is inspired by fellow-feeling and compassion. We in India call it the Eastern or the ancient way of justice. That way of justice which has no place in it for fellow feeling or compassion is known as Satanic, Western or modern justice.” (Gandhi, 1918).
 
5
Gandhi’s view of the world as a family is the social expression of the Sanskrit axiom “Aham Brahmasmi” (“The self and whole are one”). In his own words, “[F]or a non-violent person, the whole world is one family. He will thus fear none nor will others fear him.” (Kapur, 1984).
 
6
Furthermore, along with the inadequate settlement amount, the state agreed as part of the settlement to absolve UCC from any additional litigation. When victims filed lawsuits in India, the Indian courts shielded UCC from liability by upholding the conditions of the settlement. As a result, victims have been unsuccessful seeking remedy from the courts. Moreover, both the Union of India and the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh which leased the land for UCC’s plant have not completed any significant remediation of the site (e.g., EarthRights International, 2014; Rasaque, 2005; Raymont & Tracey, 2004). The abandoned plant has served not only as an eye sore on Bhopal, but also as a reminder of the extreme distance between Gandhi’s vision of the individual as the engine of power and the current lowly status of suffering individuals in Bhopal.
 
7
In Hind Swaraj, Gandhi warned India against following the example of the British state. He observed: “The condition of England at present is pitiable. I pray to God that India may never be in that plight. That which you consider to be the Mother of Parliaments… has not yet of its own accord done a single good thing.” (Gandhi, 1909). Gandhi reversed the dominant impression of the British state as the height of civilization and instead viewed the British state as in need of salvation. To Gandhi, the British state’s unrestrained pursuit of wealth had consumed it into destructive and unsustainable practices contrary to the dictates of dharma in the theory of the purushastras (Parel, 2006). Therefore, contrary to its self-image, the British state was not the missionary of civilization to the world; rather, the British state was most in need of maturation. Gandhi explained: “If the money and time wasted by the Parliament were entrusted to a few good men, the English nation would be occupying today a much higher platform. The Parliament is simply a costly toy of the nation. One of the members of that Parliament recently said that an ethical person could not become a member of it. Another said that it was a baby. And if it has remained a baby after an existence of 700 years, when will it out grow its babyhood?” (Gandhi, 1909).
 
8
Gandhi believed humans could live in a state that supported the higher pursuits of self-realization (moksha) and social harmony. In such a regime, both the state and public could develop more “enlightened” conduct that is free of the infantile passions that dominated the conduct of the Western states (Parel, 2006; Parel, 2011).
 
9
As catastrophic suffering unfolded in the disaster aftermath, UCC proceeded to sell portions of its corporation as quickly as possible. This sell-off allowed UCC to reap the maximum price of its shares before the Bhopal disaster affected UCC’s image among investors. In addition, the sell-off allowed UCC to become a smaller target for litigation before any verdicts could require payment of damages (e.g., Raymont & Tracey, 2004). As Gandhi foresaw, UCC’s behavior was typical of industrial companies in a system of material pursuit that is missing the guidance of a dharma.
 
10
For Gandhi, all people—state officials, business people, NGO workers, and the public—are responsible for cultivating love. Rather than focusing purely on individual rights (i.e., what we can get), Gandhi’s theory shifts the focus to providing the state the opportunity to change (i.e., what we can give). An aggressive state needs more prodding than Gandhi’s ideal state, and civil disobedience is the public’s prod to the state to maintain its legitimacy as society’s bearer of justice. Therefore, Gandhi’s vision of the state is constitutive of his various theories and is a process in which multiple parties must exercise their dharma when disasters occur (Parekh, 1989; Parel, 2006).
 
11
At the national or state level, there is no identifiable Gandhian state in India, but the local lok adalats (people’s courts) which Gandhi sought to revive in the villages is one place where his theory might be more closely practiced.
 
12
For other benefits such as self-esteem, see generally Fredrickson, Cohn, Coffey, Pek, and Finkel (2008); Shapiro, Carlson, Astin, and Freedman (2006), p. 581.
 
13
Interestingly, the author has found no recent research documenting persistent massive civil disobedience used by civilians against the Tibetan government, while in contrast, civil disobedience has been rampant against the aggressive Chinese government since its 1959 occupation of Tibet. (Since 1959, the Tibetan government has been practicing its form of government in exile from Dharamsala, India.) Although any speculation must be tentative, perhaps the public has not perceived satyagraha as necessary partly because of the Tibetan state’s compassionate values and goals.
 
14
At the same time, this shift in values does not require a change in the compatible state procedures for equal opportunity, efficiency, and flexibility to political regime changes.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Mindful Justice: The Search for Gandhi’s Sympathetic State After Bhopal
Publikationsdatum
01.09.2015
Erschienen in
Social Justice Research / Ausgabe 3/2015
Print ISSN: 0885-7466
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-6725
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11211-015-0245-7

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