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Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology 2/2019

15.02.2019

Performing Revolutionary Populism: The Revolutionary Path Movement in Turkey

verfasst von: Kerem Morgül

Erschienen in: Qualitative Sociology | Ausgabe 2/2019

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Abstract

Revolution scholars have noted the utility of populist appeals for creating a broad-based revolutionary movement. Yet little is known about how activists enact populism in order to mobilize mass support for a revolutionary political project. This study addresses this need through a case study of the Revolutionary Path, a revolutionary socialist organization that attracted a large and diverse following in Turkey in the second half of the 1970s. The main argument of the study is that revolutionary populism entails non-discursive as well as discursive performances. In a receptive social and political climate, a populist discourse facilitates the formation of a broad revolutionary coalition, for it helps revolutionaries create a collective identity that can unify diverse social groups and demands against the regime. However, the mobilizational power of revolutionary populism ultimately rests on embodied performances that (1) dramatize the opposition between “the people” and its “enemies,” (2) demonstrate the moral and pragmatic legitimacy of revolutionaries as the representatives of “the people,” and (3) generate moral outrage against power holders. The analysis presented shows that Revolutionary Path activists accomplished these symbolic and affective tasks through three analytically distinct types of embodied performance: contentious, prefigurative, and lifestyle.

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Fußnoten
1
A revolution entails, at minimum, the overthrow of a government through extra-institutional mass mobilization (Goodwin 2001, 9–10). Some argue, however, that true revolutions also involve fundamental changes in the basic institutional framework of society (e.g., Goldstone 2014, 3–4). Adopting the latter approach, I define revolutionary organizations as structured collectivities of activists that seek to seize the state via mass mobilization and bring about radical change. By “revolutionary movement,” I refer to a more loosely connected collectivity involving not only the regular members of a revolutionary organization but also the wider mass of its supporters.
 
2
This does not mean populism scholars have failed to notice such movements. For example, in his both early and later works, Ernesto Laclau (1977, 2005), one of the leading theorists of populism, stresses the populist character of Maoism.
 
3
I use “discourse” in the narrow sense of the term to denote social communication through words or visual symbols.
 
4
Historians have used “revolutionary populism” to refer to the ideology and politics of radical Russian intellectuals who sought to instigate a peasant revolution against the tsar in the late nineteenth century (e.g., von Borcke 1982). The term has also been applied to similar agrarian socialist movements that emerged elsewhere (e.g., Brock 1977). In this study, I decouple the term from such historical and ideological associations. What defines revolutionary populism is not a particular ideology or class base but the construction of “the people” as a revolutionary subject.
 
5
As Moffitt (2016) argues, populist electoral leaders generally receive extensive attention from the mass media due to the latter’s prioritization of conflict, emotional dramas, and scandals. Yet, as anti-state actors, revolutionary leaders rarely get a chance to address the national community via the mass media. Besides, any access such leaders may gain to the mass media is typically dependent on public spectacles produced by activists and supporters.
 
6
I borrow this distinction from Mark Suchman’s (1995) work on organizational legitimacy. As outlined by Suchman, moral legitimacy refers to a collective judgment that the actions of an organization conform to what is right and proper. Pragmatic legitimacy, on the other hand, reflects an audience’s collective assessment that the actions of an organization have positive practical consequences for their well-being.
 
7
Here, I draw on Samuel Popkin’s (1979, 259) assertion that peasants’ participation in revolutionary movements depends on their subjective estimates of the organizer’s capability to improve their welfare.
 
8
See Alexander (2011) for an application of dramaturgical theory to revolutionary mobilization.
 
9
Movement scholars tend to study everyday bodily practices as a mode of resistance to dominant cultural codes, by which activists carve out a distinctive collective identity for themselves (e.g., Taylor and Whittier 1992). By contrast, I highlight how such practices may also help activists reduce the cultural gap between themselves and the broader society. For a similar formulation see Saouli (2015).
 
10
In the years following World War II, Fatsa became a center of hazelnut production, which was, and still is, one of the key export crops of the country. Meanwhile, the town center evolved into an agriculture-based commercial economy that marketed the hazelnut produced in its deep hinterland. Between 1950 and 1980, the population of this urban area increased by four-and-a-half times, surpassing 22,000. Yet, in 1980, the vast majority of the district’s population (more than 90,000 people) still resided in rural areas (DİE 1980, 4–7).
 
11
Dev-Yol, like its predecessor THKP-C, had a dual organizational structure that demarcated professional activists from the broader mass of supporters. I use the term “revolutionaries” to refer to the former group, who were disproportionately young and male.
 
12
Sönmez received 3096 votes, whereas the candidates of the center-left Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) and the center-right Justice Party (Adalet Partisi) received 1133 and 859 votes, respectively. As a comparison, these parties had respectively received 2430 and 1340 votes in the 1977 local election (Aksakal 2007b, 137).
 
13
Dev-Yol leaders determined, as early as in the Spring of 1980, that a military coup was imminent (Bostancıoğlu 2015). Yet when the coup occurred in September, it became painfully apparent that Dev-Yol was neither organizationally nor militarily ready to fight the junta. Local groups of Dev-Yol militants across the country took up arms, but lacking central coordination and proper guerrilla training, they were easily suppressed (Alpat 1995). In the end, Dev-Yol was defeated, like other revolutionary groups, without posing a serious threat to the military regime and its political, economic, and ideological agenda.
 
14
Dev-Yol had many women supporters in Fatsa (I interviewed two of them), but they were usually relegated to secondary roles, such as providing food and shelter for militants. Due to this gendered division of labor, only thirty-two (4 %) of the 800 defendants in the Fatsa Dev-Yol Trial were women (Aksakal 2007b, 320).
 
15
There were, of course, differences among the respondents’ accounts. Some rank-and-file members, for instance, were highly critical of the leadership, whom they blamed for the humiliating defeat of the organization. Local residents, for their part, were critical of rogue behavior by certain rank-and-file members. Nevertheless, there was a general agreement among the interviewees (including the former far-right supporter) about the activities that helped Dev-Yol gain popular support in Fatsa.
 
16
There is voluminous evidence to support this claim. For example, after visiting Fatsa during the “People’s Culture Festival,” several prominent journalists, writers, and academics observed that the revolutionaries enjoyed unusually strong support among ordinary citizens (e.g., Akın 1980a; Belge 1980; Ketenci 1980). Interviews conducted during the military operation by Marvine Howe (1980) of the New York Times support these observations. In fact, even the Indictment of the Fatsa Dev-Yol Trial (Üçüncü Ordu ve Sıkıyönetim Komutanlığı 1982, 129) acknowledges the organization’s popularity in the region.
 
17
In the words of one activist, “There was admiration for power. Previously Fatsa was controlled by fascists. The powerful revolt against them had an immediate effect [among the people].”
 
18
However, it must be noted that, for Dev-Yol, the ultimate purpose of these committees was much broader: they were to constitute the “nuclei” of alternative governing institutions that would gradually replace the state in a protracted “People’s War” (Dev-Yol 1978c, 1978d).
 
19
Sedat, a conservative Muslim who was elected to one of the People’s Committees, expressed this in the following words: “These roads were all opened by Fikri Sönmez. Years have passed, but no one could do what he did. … If today’s resources had existed back then, Fatsa would have become a province.”
 
20
Criticizing the identity-strategy dualism in social movement theory, Cihan Tuğal (2009) similarly shows how the Islamist movement in Turkey centered its mobilizational strategy on transforming everyday life rather than on publicly challenging the state.
 
21
Observed five times each day, namaz is a fundamental ritual in Sunni Islam, during which worshippers face toward Mecca and pray to God. Subscribing to an unorthodox form of Islam, the Alevis in Turkey typically do not perform this ritual.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Performing Revolutionary Populism: The Revolutionary Path Movement in Turkey
verfasst von
Kerem Morgül
Publikationsdatum
15.02.2019
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Qualitative Sociology / Ausgabe 2/2019
Print ISSN: 0162-0436
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7837
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-019-9416-4

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