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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

6. That ‘Absurd Phantom Called Free Trade’: The Politics of Protection in Ireland, c. 1829–52

verfasst von : Andrew Shields

Erschienen in: Taxation, Politics, and Protest in Ireland, 1662–2016

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter examines the evolution of protectionist ideas in Irish Conservative political circles between 1829 and 1852. In particular, it explores the attempts made by some Conservatives to, as Isaac Butt put it, use protectionism as a lever by which to reclaim ‘from the priests and agitators the popular mind of this country’. It also traces the tensions which emerged between the landed advocates of protectionism, who generally saw it as a necessary instrument to preserve the agricultural interest, and those Protestant populists, active in the late 1820s and early 1830s, who supported it as a means of creating employment opportunities for the Irish Protestant working class.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Finance and Politics in Ireland, 1801–17

Nächstes Kapitel Resistance to the Collection of Rates Under the Poor Law, 1842–44

Isaac Butt to Benjamin Disraeli, 22 Oct. 1849, Hughenden Papers, Bodleian Library B/111/35; see also Robert Stewart, The Foundation of the Conservative Party, 1830–1867 (London: Longman, 1978), 236.

The classic study of the economic debates on the ‘Irish Question’ in this period is R. D. Collison Black, Economic Thought and the Irish Question, 1817–1870 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1960); see also Thomas Boylan, Renee Prendergast, and John D. Turner, eds., A History of Irish Economic Thought (London: Routledge, 2011).

Anna Gambles, Protection and Politics: Conservative Economic Discourse, 1815–1852 (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1999), 1–10.

See, for example, the reports of the speeches of Richard Pennefather, Colonel William Stopford, and Lord Doneraile at protectionist meetings in Clonmel, Gorey, and Mallow; Dublin Evening Post, 16 Mar. 1839; Wexford Independent, 20 Feb. 1839; Freeman’s Journal, 26 Feb. l839. See also the editorial on the Corn Law question in the Dublin Evening Mail, 5 May 1841.

For a discussion of this debate, see David S. Johnson and Liam Kennedy, ‘Nationalist Historiography and the Decline of the Irish Economy: George O’Brien Revisited’, in Ireland’s Histories: Aspects of State, Society and Ideology, ed. Seán Hutton and Paul Stewart (London: Routledge, 1991), 19; Liam Kennedy and David S. Johnson, ‘The Union of Ireland and Britain, 1801–1921’, in The Making of Modern Irish History: Revisionism and the Revisionist Controversy, ed. D. George Boyce and Alan O’Day (London: Routledge, 1996), 44, 46–48.

Jacqueline Hill, ‘Artisans, Sectarianism and Politics in Dublin, 1829–48’, Saothar 7 (1981): 20; Helen Mulvey, Thomas Davis and Ireland: A Biographical Study (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2003), 87.

Hill ‘Artisans, Sectarianism and Politics’, 12–16, 20–22; Charles Boyton to Baron Farnham, 30 Dec. 1830, Farnham Papers, National Library of Ireland (hereafter NLI) MS 18,609/1.

K. Theodore Hoppen, Elections, Politics, and Society in Ireland, 1832–1885 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 47.

David Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City (London: Profile Books, 2014), 282.

Jacqueline Hill, ‘The Protestant Response to Repeal: The Case of the Dublin Working Class’, in Ireland under the Union: Varieties of Tension, ed. F. S. L. Lyons and R. A. J. Hawkins (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), 35.

Gambles, Protection, 205–10, 232–34.

Ibid., 32–33, 48–50.

For a fuller discussion of this topic, see Andrew Shields, The Irish Conservative Party, 1852–68: Land, Politics and Religion (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007), 209–13.

Boyton to Farnham, 30 Dec. 1830, Farnham Papers, NLI MS 18,609/1.

Londonderry Sentinel, 11 Dec. 1830.

Ibid.

Thomas Lefroy to Farnham, 3 Dec. 1830, Farnham Papers, NLI MS 18,611/1.

Thomas Duddy, A History of Irish Political Thought (London: Routledge, 2002), 125–28, 143–46.

Freeman’s Journal, 15 Jan. 1830.

Shields, Irish Conservative Party, xiv–xv.

Hoppen, Elections, Politics, and Society, 312.

Joseph Spence, ‘The Philosophy of Irish Toryism 1833–52: A Study of Reactions to Liberal Reformism in Ireland in the Generation between the First Reform Act and the Famine, with Especial Reference to Expressions of National Feeling among the Protestant Ascendancy’ (PhD diss., Birkbeck College, University of London, 1990), 10.

Dublin Evening Mail, 14 July 1852.

‘Notices of New Works’, Irish Quarterly Review 1, no. 1 (1851): 342.

Londonderry Sentinel, 21 Jan. 1852.

The Warder, 29 Aug. 1832.

Boyton to Farnham, n.d. (Dec. 1830?), Farnham Papers, NLI MS 18,609/2.

Lefroy to Farnham, 2 and 25 Dec. 1830, Farnham Papers, NLI MS 18,611/1.

Boyton to Farnham, n.d. (Dec. 1830?), Farnham Papers, NLI MS 18,609/2.

Morning Chronicle, 4 May 1835.

Londonderry Sentinel, 28 Nov. 1838.

Joseph Spence, ‘Isaac Butt, Irish Nationality and the Conditional Defence of the Union, 1833–70’, in Defenders of the Union: A Survey of British and Irish Unionism since 1801, ed. D. G. Boyce and Alan O’Day (London: Routledge, 2001), 68–69.

Hill, ‘Protestant Response to Repeal’, 35–68; John Crawford, ‘“An overriding providence”: The Life and Ministry of Tresham Dames Gregg (1800–81)’, in The Clergy of the Church of Ireland, 1000–2000, ed. T. G. Barnard and W. G. Neely (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005), 157–68.

Tresham Dames Gregg, Free Thoughts on Protestant Matters (Dublin: Curry and Oldham, 1847), 5.

Tresham Dames Gregg, Protestant Ascendancy Vindicated and National Regeneration through the Instrumentality of National Religion Urged (Dublin: D. R. Bleakly, 1840); Hill, ‘Protestant Response to Repeal’, 55.

Andy Bielenberg, ‘Industrial Growth in Ireland, c. 1790–1910’, (PhD diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 1994), 130.

Martin Maguire, ‘A Socio-Economic Analysis of the Dublin Protestant Working Class, 1870–1926’, Irish Economic and Social History 20 (1993): 35–61; Dickson, Dublin, 310; Hill, ‘Artisans, Sectarianism and Politics’, 20–23; idem, From Patriots to Unionists: Dublin Civic Politics and Irish Protestant Patriotism, 1660–1840 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 313–14.

‘On the Emigration of Protestants’, Dublin University Magazine 1, no. 5 (1833), 470–83.

Alan O’Day, ‘Nationalism and Political Economy in Ireland: Isaac Butt’s Analysis’, in Politics and Power in Victorian Ireland, ed. Roger Swift and Christine Kinealy (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006), 122–27; Isaac Butt, Protection to Home Industry: Some Cases of its Advantages Considered (Dublin: Hodges and Smith, 1846), 40.

Butt, Protection to Home Industry, 15.

Isaac Butt, Home Government for Ireland: Irish Federalism! Its Meaning, Its Objects, and Its Hopes, 3rd ed. (Dublin: John Falconer, 1871), 32.

Oliver MacDonagh, O’Connell: The Life of Daniel O’Connell (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1991), 309; see also Joseph Lee, ‘The Social and Economic Ideas of O’Connell’, in Daniel O’Connell: Portrait of a Radical, ed. K. B. Nowlan and M. R. O’Connell (Belfast: Appletree Press, 1984), 70–86. For a recent discussion of this topic, see Paul Pickering, ‘Irish First: Daniel O’Connell, the Native Manufacture Campaign and Economic Nationalism, 1840–44’, Albion 32, no. 4 (2000), 598–616.

Douglas Kanter, ‘The Politics of Irish Taxation, 1842–53’, English Historical Review 127, no. 528 (2012): 1127; Charles Read, ‘The Repeal Year in Ireland: An Economic Reassessment’, Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (2015): 115–17.

Fintan Lane, In Search of Thomas Sheahan: Radical Politics in Cork, 1824–1836 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2001), 38; Maura Cronin, Country, Class or Craft? The Politicisation of Skilled Artisans in Nineteenth Century Cork (Cork: Cork University Press, 1994), 99–101.

At one point, O’Connell even expressed a wish to be ‘buried in Irish manufacture’; William Fagan, The Life and Times of Daniel O’Connell, 2 vols. (Cork: John O’Brien, 1847), 1:265; see also Pickering, ‘Irish First’, 605.

Dublin Morning Register, 29 July 1841.

Pickering, ‘Irish First’, 610–11; see also Read, ‘Repeal Year’, 116.

Pickering, ‘Irish First’, 604.

For O’Connell’s conflicts with the trade union movement in Dublin, see MacDonagh, O’Connell, 445–50; see also Feargus D’Arcy, ‘The Artisans of Dublin and Daniel O’Connell, 1830–1847’, Irish Historical Studies 17, no. 66 (1970), 221–43.

Pickering, ‘Irish First’, 602, 604.

Tuam Herald, 29 May 1841

Ibid.

Dublin Evening Mail, 18 Jan. 1850.

Ibid., 31 Dec. 1849.

K. T. Hoppen, Governing Hibernia: British Politicians and Ireland, 1800–1921 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 139.

See, for example, the anti-protectionist speech made by Father Peter Daly at a meeting in Galway in Dec. 1849, Freeman’s Journal, 31 Dec. 1849; see also Cormac Ó Grada, Ireland: A New Economic History, 1780–1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 407–11.

Freeman’s Journal, 10 Dec. 1849; Limerick and Clare Examiner, 15 Dec. 1849.

Northern Whig, 10 Jan. 1850.

Evening Standard, 15 Jan. 1850.

Dublin Evening Mail, 30 Jan. 1850.

For example, the first Protectionist whip in the House of Commons was William Beresford, a member of a prominent landed family in County Waterford. Among the other prominent Irish Protectionists were Sir Arthur Brooke, Viscount Bernard, George Alexander Hamilton, Anthony Lefroy, Augustus Stafford O’Brien, and Evelyn Shirley. By contrast, there were very few Irish Peelites. The most notable of this small group, perhaps, was Henry Herbert, who served as Chief Secretary of Ireland under Lord Palmerston from 1857 to 1858; see Shields, Irish Conservative Party, 16, 121–22; Angus Hawkins, The Forgotten Prime Minister: The 14th Earl of Derby, vol. 1: Ascent, 1799–1851 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 316.

See, for example, Morning Chronicle, 7 Jan. 1850; Cork Examiner, 11 Jan. 1850; Dublin Mercantile Advertiser, 11 Jan. 1850; Newry Examiner, 26 Jan. 1850.

One of the major exceptions to this rule was the Cork City by-election of Nov. 1849, when the Protectionist candidate, Colonel Chatterton, won an impressive victory over his Liberal opponent, Alexander McCarthy. By the time of the 1852 election, however, Hoppen claims that most Irish Conservatives were more interested in Protestantism than they were in protection; see Hoppen, Elections, Politics, and Society, 284. See also Robert Stewart, The Politics of Protection: Lord Derby and the Protectionist Party, 1841–1852 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 143.

See Spence, ‘Philosophy’, 240–47.

For an excellent discussion of this topic, which concentrates, in particular, on the way in which it was addressed in the aftermath of the passing of the Act of Union, see K. T. Hoppen, ‘An Incorporating Union? British Politicians and Ireland, 1800–1830’, English Historical Review 123, no. 501 (2008): 328–50.

Lefroy to Farnham, 25 Dec. 1830, Farnham Papers, NLI MS 18,611/1; see also Hoppen, Elections, Politics, and Society, 311–13, although Hoppen goes on to argue that such tensions ultimately operated as a ‘safety valve’, and that they ‘paradoxically strengthened the sense of overall religious identity’ across the class divide.

David Thornley, Isaac Butt and Home Rule (London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1964), 17; Patrick Maume, The Long Gestation: Irish Nationalist Life, 1891–1918 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1999), 49; James Quinn, ‘John Mitchel and the Rejection of the Nineteenth Century’, Éire-Ireland 38, nos. 3–4 (2003): 92–94.

Titel: That ‘Absurd Phantom Called Free Trade’: The Politics of Protection in Ireland, c. 1829–52
verfasst von: Andrew Shields
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Buch: Taxation, Politics, and Protest in Ireland, 1662–2016
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-04308-7

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-04309-4

Copyright-Jahr: 2019
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04309-4_6