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2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

The Ambiguity of Tense in the Japanese Mirative Sentence with Nante/Towa

verfasst von : Osamu Sawada, Jun Sawada

Erschienen in: New Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This paper investigates the ambiguity of tense in the Japanese mirative sentence with nante/towa. Unlike an English sentence exclamative (e.g., (Wow), John won the race!), a Japanese sentence with nante/towa has a property of ambiguity with regard to tense. When nante or towa is combined with a proposition that contains the so-called non-past form ru, the sentence can be ambiguous between a non-past (future/present) reading and a past reading. This fact is surprising because the non-past form ru can never be used for describing a past event. We argue that the ambiguous interpretation of nante/towa comes from the conventional implicature of nante/towa. Unlike an English sentence exclamation (Rett 2011), the Japanese nante/towa takes a “tenseless” proposition p (i.e., ru does not specify a tense) and conventionally implies that (i) p is settled (i.e., p is/was true or predicted to be true) and (ii) the speaker had not expected that p. We will also consider the case where p + nante/towa is embedded under a surprising predicate and claim that both the embedded and non-embedded nante/towa can be analyzed in a uniform way, suggesting that the embedded nante/towa clause is an instance of a main clause phenomenon (rather than a relative tense phenomenon).

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Fußnoten
1
There are also what is called a present perfect use of ta, in addition to a regular past use; however, we will not go into detail in this paper regarding the present perfect use.
 
2
This kind of ambiguity never arises in the English sentence exclamation. As the following example shows, the use of a simple denial is enough to deny A’s assertion:
The utterance of an English sentence exclamation can count as an assertion of the denoted proposition p in addition to having an illocutionary force of exclamation (Rett 2011) and the tense of the assertion is fixed.
 
3
The fact that nante/towa clause in (28) is syntactically embedded is supported by the fact that unlike the non-embedded nante like (i), the sentence final particle yo cannot be added after nante/towa, as in (ii): .
 
4
The existence of ambiguity can be confirmed by the test of denial: .
 
5
However, in (29) it seems that there is also a reading where the embedded ru is interpreted relative to the utterance time. We will put this issue aside.
 
6
We thank Naoya Fujikawa for the valuable comments and discussion.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Ambiguity of Tense in the Japanese Mirative Sentence with Nante/Towa
verfasst von
Osamu Sawada
Jun Sawada
Copyright-Jahr
2020
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58790-1_21

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