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2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

The Origins of Party System Polarisation: How Parties and Voters Shape the Ideological Spread in Party Systems

verfasst von : Johannes Schmitt, Simon T. Franzmann

Erschienen in: Continuity and Change of Party Democracies in Europe

Verlag: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden

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Abstract

Party system polarisation is an essential concept to describe the quality of party competition in comparative politics. Both a very high and a very low level of polarisation are associated with dysfunctional party systems. Polarised competition results in political conflicts, while the opposite dynamic leads to a lack of alternatives for the voter and reduces parties’ accountability. Because of its key role in characterising democratic systems, party system polarisation is a frequently used independent variable in comparative politics. Nevertheless, there are relatively few studies of its causes; in particular, we see a research gap in the analyses of direct effects due to parties and voters. We therefore ask in the following contribution: How do interactions within the party system and the electorate affect polarisation? We argue that current explanations are complementary, and we integrate them into a single theoretical framework. Applying time-series cross-section analyses to manifesto data and survey data, we show that — besides the well-known fragmentation effect, especially the patterns of government — opposition and party identification matter. We conclude that, for the long-term stability of a party system, the strength of the opposition is as important as the stability of the government.

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Fußnoten
1
We are grateful to the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG) for funding this work. We write this paper as part of “The influence of opposition in established democracies” project financed by the DFG (project number: 290380518). Furthermore, we would like to thank the participants and organisers of the conference “Change and Future Viability of Party Democracy in Europe” for their helpful comments and suggestions. Last but not least, we also thank Simon Miksch and Anna Halstenbach for their kind assistance in editing this article.
 
2
Here, polarisation (P) is calculated as the difference between parties’ positions \((p_{i} )\) and the weighted mean position \((\bar{p})\). These differences are further weighted by parties’ seat share (wi): \(p = \sqrt {\sum {(w_{i} } * (p_{i} - \bar{p})^{2} )}\). The weighted mean is calculated as follows: \(\bar{p} = \sqrt {\sum {(w_{i} } * p_{i} )}\). This procedure refers to Taylor and Herman’s original indicator (1971, p. 34).
 
3
Regarding our operationalisation of fragmentation, there is an endogeneity problem, because polarisation and fragmentation are measured at the same time. Furthermore, both measures are partially based on the same type of data (seat share). Thus, the direction of causality cannot be tested by our empirical analyses. Because of the extensive research regarding this relationship (see previous studies of polarisation in this article), we have strong evidence that fragmentation should influence polarisation. However, we should be aware of this limitation in the interpretation of the empirical results. The other measures of party competition do not share this problem, because they are operationalised by data relating to an earlier date. For example, the measure of coalition type is based on the previous legislature.
 
4
The references for all four rounds are the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2015a, b, c, 2017.
 
5
We use the demographic weight of CSES. Some surveys conducted in Japan and Lithuania are realised at presidential elections and these cases are merged with the last parliamentary election.
 
6
Specifically: Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, Canada, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Belgium is excluded due to its internal party system split into Wallonian and Flemish parties, which makes a valid application of the standard indices almost impossible.
 
7
Nevertheless, these standard errors are not clustered in countries, even though there are arguments in favour of doing so (e.g. Beck and Katz 1995). In part, our analysis includes only a low number of cases and unbalanced samples. Consequently, clustered standard errors result in insignificant coefficients, even though there are substantial effects in the model.
 
8
In fact, as one of the reviewers correctly mentioned, this measure is based on perceived party positions. Thus, the term perceived polarisation may be misleading. Until an alternative term has been established, we will continue to use Powell and Ascencio’s terminology (2016).
 
9
We operationalise political institution using the Comparative Political Data Set (CPDS, Armingeon et al. 2017). The governmental system is categorised as one of five types (ibid.). Presidential systems are not present because of our case selection. Furthermore, we consolidate all semi-presidential systems under one type and calculate a binary variable (0: parliamentarian, 1: semi-presidential). The electoral systems variable measures the two most-common types (plurality and proportional system) and a mixed category (ibid.).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Origins of Party System Polarisation: How Parties and Voters Shape the Ideological Spread in Party Systems
verfasst von
Johannes Schmitt
Simon T. Franzmann
Copyright-Jahr
2020
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-28988-1_3