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2017 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

4. The Politics of Health Care Reform in Thailand

verfasst von : Erik Martinez Kuhonta

Erschienen in: Towards Universal Health Care in Emerging Economies

Verlag: Palgrave Macmillan UK

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Abstract

The success of the universal health care programme in Thailand can be traced to two factors: a big bang approach to policy reform and prior institutional capacity in the form of reformist medical bureaucrats ensconced in the Ministry of Public Health. The big bang approach provided the requisite political power, while reformist bureaucrats provided evidence-based knowledge, past practical experience and institutional networks that were crucial for the forging of the universal health care programme. The combination of political power and bureaucratic capacity has thus led to a universal health care programme that has granted coverage to almost all Thai citizens.

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Fußnoten
1
Evans et al. (1985), Kohli (2004), Kuhonta (2011).
 
2
Joseph Harris (2015) has termed the progressive bureaucrats’ role as a form of “developmental capture” in order to emphasize the unique action that these civil servants have played in pursuing the public interest. “Developmental” is usefully contrasted to “regulatory capture”, in which interest groups use a state agency for narrow, particularistic purposes.
 
3
Raksa tuk rok.”
 
4
For a comparative discussion of inequality in Southeast Asia with case studies of Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam and the Philippines, see Kuhonta (2011).
 
5
For a good analysis of this period and its relationship to the eventual forging of the universal health care programme, see Nam (2015), Chap. 3.
 
6
Indeed, Suchinda would later lead a successful coup against the government in 1991.
 
7
Interview, Jon Ungpakhorn, Bangkok (24 June 2009). One significant move by NGOs was sending “trainers” throughout the countryside to educate villagers about the benefits of universal health care. “Using the language of citizens’ rights to health care which the 1997 Constitution had guaranteed, the civil society representatives conveyed the universal coverage’s central promise: that all Thais—whether poor, rich, urban or rural—would be guaranteed an equal package of health benefits and services that they would receive without having to demonstrate eligibility” (Nam 2015: 192).
 
8
The main differences were that civil society’s bill would have been completely free, it would have merged all current government insurance systems, it would have applied to everyone including non-citizens; and would have ensured greater representation by civil society on the universal health care board (interview, Jon Ungpakhorn, 24 June 2009).
 
9
Phongpaichit and Baker (2004: 68–9); McCargo and Pathmanand (2005: 93–9).
 
10
Under Thaksin, Surapong became Deputy Minister of Public Health, while Prommin was made Deputy Prime Minister. As Harris notes: “While other professional groups may have had ties to political parties, none had so completely colonized a party’s political platform by virtue of their connections and authority as respected executives of the Ministry of Public Health” (Harris 2015: 179).
 
11
See Stokes’s (2001) argument regarding policy reversals in Latin America.
 
12
In stressing the importance of speed of implementation for the 30 Baht Programme, Surapong noted in an interview with Joseph Harris (2015: 180) that Chiang Mai University historian and prominent civil society activist, Nithi Eawsriwong, had urged in his column in the Thai daily Matichon: “If you don’t hurry [to implement it], you won’t be able to do it.”
 
13
For an overall positive assessment of the program, see Damrongplasit and Melnick (2009).
 
14
Also see interview, Dr Pongpisut Jongudomsak, director of Bureau of Policy and Planning, National Health Security Office, Bangkok (29 May 2006).
 
15
Also see interview, Dr Suthat Duangdeeden, physician at Lerdsin Hospital, Bangkok (16 June 2003).
 
16
Hill tribes peoples are also not included.
 
17
The co-payment was restored in 2012. The military most likely sought to undermine the programme’s identification with Thaksin while appearing to be even more pro-poor.
 
18
For China’s positive view, see Li et al. (2011). See also WHO (2010) and Amartya Sen, “Universal Health Care: The Affordable Dream,” The Guardian, 6 February 2015.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Politics of Health Care Reform in Thailand
verfasst von
Erik Martinez Kuhonta
Copyright-Jahr
2017
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-53377-7_4

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