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2017 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

5. The Quest for Subsidy Reforms in Libya

verfasst von : Abdelkrim Araar, Nada Choueiri, Paolo Verme

Erschienen in: The Quest for Subsidy Reforms in the Middle East and North Africa Region

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

Shortly before the 2011 Libyan revolution, consumers’ subsidies were rapidly increased by the regime in an effort to reduce social discontent. In the aftermath of the revolution, these subsidies became important for people’s subsistence, but also a very heavy burden for the state budget. Since then, the Libyan government has been confronted with the necessity of reforming subsidies in a politically and socially complex environment. This paper uses household survey data to provide a distributional analysis of food and energy subsidies and simulate the impact of subsidy reforms on household wellbeing, poverty, and the government’s budget. Despite the focus on direct effects only, the results indicate that subsidy reforms would have a major impact on household welfare and government revenues. The elimination of food subsidies would reduce household expenditure by about 10 percent and double the poverty rate while saving the equivalent of about 2 percent of the government budget. The elimination of energy subsidies would have a similar effect on household welfare, but a larger effect on poverty while government savings would be almost 4 percent of the budget. The size of these effects, the weakness of market institutions, and the current political instability make subsidy reforms extremely complex in Libya. It is also clear that subsidy reforms will call for some form of compensation for the poor, a gradual rather than a big bang approach, and a product-by-product sequence of reforms rather than an all-inclusive reform.

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Fußnoten
1
The quantities provided within the quota system are not negligible. For example, a family of four is entitled to the following quotas at subsidized prices each month: 8 kg of sugar, 800 g of tea, 4 kg of tomato paste, 6 L of vegetable oil, 10 kg of rice, 12 kg of flour, 4 kg of semolina, and 6 kg of pasta. These quantities are well above the total amount of calories necessary for a family of four for one month.
 
2
Preliminary data on government spending in 2012 indicated that food, electricity, and other energy subsidies cost, respectively LD 2.1 billion, 1.1 billion, and 6.3 billion to the budget.
 
3
Direct effects represent the impact of subsidies via subsidized products consumed by households. Indirect effects represent the impact of subsidies via nonsubsidized products consumed by households that use subsidized products as a production input.
 
4
Anecdotal evidence suggests that because not all households actually take advantage of the quota system for their food purchases, some of the surplus subsidized food ends up being used as cattle feed or input to the production of sweets in bakeries for the case of sugar and flour. No data are available to quantify these observations, and if animal raising and bakeries are household activities, these effects would be captured in the direct effects estimations. A share of subsidized food products is reportedly smuggled and sold illegally in supermarkets, thereby depressing market prices. Some effect from removing subsidies on these products may filter through to market prices, but that effect is likely to be small.
 
5
We note here that this paper’s analysis does not capture the administrative costs of subsidies, which may be large given the system of quotas administered through cooperatives.
 
6
Although no data are available, hydrocarbons are believed to constitute about two-thirds of GDP in Libya, suggesting that estimated aggregate expenditure could be about 35% of nonoil GDP.
 
8
We make that assumption when the survey provides no separate expenditure data for subsidized versus nonsubsidized quantities for a given product.
 
9
Household sizes are different across quintiles, with poorer households also being the largest. It is therefore useful to also look at per capita estimates in addition to per household estimates to assess whether or not food subsidies are progressive.
 
10
Market prices were obtained from the Ministry of Economy dated for the first quarter of 2013.
 
11
Note that these are upper bound estimates based on Laspeyres estimations.
 
12
Estimates of the budgetary impact of alternative reform scenarios do not take into account savings from lower administrative costs of managing the subsidy program and from leakages of the subsidy program (e.g., smuggling).
 
13
We convert $1.25 to Libyan dinars using the 2009 purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rate data (1 LD = $0.74-PPP, latest available data) and inflation for the period 2009–13. We find the equivalent universal poverty line for 2013 to be LD 821.42 per person, per year, which is lower than the national poverty line of LD 966.3 per person, per year leading to lower poverty rates.
 
14
To estimate the national poverty line, we use the 2003 poverty line—which was estimated at LD 593.6 by staff of Libya’s Office of Statistics but not endorsed officially—and CPI inflation between 2003 and 2013. This national poverty line estimate corresponds to LD 2.65 per day, or about $2 at the actual exchange rate. The national poverty line estimate represents 49% of the average per capita expenditure of households (LD 1967).
 
15
These results are entirely dependent on the choice we made regarding the point elasticity at market price and the shape of the demand curve. Other assumptions would lead to different results, and these findings should be taken with caution. Note, however, that the final results on household welfare are not affected by the choice of elasticity and demand curve as these estimates depend only on the initial expenditure and the price change (relative changes in quantities consumed of subsidized and nonsubsidized products do not affect the overall welfare effects given that we consider a hard budget constraint).
 
16
The budget data do not include administrative costs associated with the subsidy system.
 
17
Anecdotal evidence suggests that the stock of cars in Libya is quite old. Many low-income people drive run-down cars and keep doing so because of cheap gasoline and the lack of alternative transportation means.
 
18
The authorities had budgeted for 4.47 billion liters of gasoline to be sold on the market in Libya in 2013.
 
19
See http://​data.​worldbank.​org. The data were converted from kilograms to liters on the basis that 1 L of petrol weighs 0.711 kg.
 
20
These results are entirely dependent on the choice we made regarding the point elasticity at market price and the shape of the demand curve. Underlying our analysis are demand curves that depict the same elasticity for all households but differ in elasticity across products, with the difference depending on the gap between market price and subsidized price. For energy products, we assumed a point elasticity of −0.5 at the free market price. This estimate and a linear demand curve function are then used to estimate the point elasticity at the subsidized price.
 
21
A caveat to our analysis is that it does not take into consideration the nutritional consequences of food subsidy reform. Such an analysis may be needed before arriving at a view on how small the impact is on households particularly if the reform is not accompanied by cash transfers.
 
22
The current basket of subsidized products provides more than twice the amount of adult calories intake as recommended by WHO or the FAO. If we consider that children make up the majority of household members in poor households of six to seven people, the amount of calories allocated within the quota system may be between two and three times the calories needed. This finding would justify a reduction in quotas based on the level of individual calorific needs. Quotas could be cut by half, for example, which would be equivalent to reducing food subsidies by half, saving more than 1 percent of government spending.
 
23
This chapter’s analysis does not take into account new transfers enacted by the government in 2013 (such as transfers to heads of households and transfers for minors). A complete picture of the impact of subsidy reform on poverty and the middle class will require including these in the assessment.
 
Literatur
Zurück zum Zitat Charap, J. 2013. Note on Subsidy Reform in Libya. IMF Country Report No. 13/151, Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund. Charap, J. 2013. Note on Subsidy Reform in Libya. IMF Country Report No. 13/151, Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund.
Zurück zum Zitat IMF (International Monetary Fund). 2013. Libya: Selected Issue. IMF Country Report. 13/151, Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund. IMF (International Monetary Fund). 2013. Libya: Selected Issue. IMF Country Report. 13/151, Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund.
Zurück zum Zitat Waniss, O., and E. Karlberg. 2007. The Libyan Economy: Economic Diversification and International Repositioning. Berlin, London: Springer. Waniss, O., and E. Karlberg. 2007. The Libyan Economy: Economic Diversification and International Repositioning. Berlin, London: Springer.
Metadaten
Titel
The Quest for Subsidy Reforms in Libya
verfasst von
Abdelkrim Araar
Nada Choueiri
Paolo Verme
Copyright-Jahr
2017
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52926-4_5