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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

11. United in Separation? Lozi Secessionism in Zambia and Namibia

verfasst von : Wolfgang Zeller, Henning Melber

Erschienen in: Secessionism in African Politics

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter analyzes why secessionist movements on both sides of the Namibia-Zambia border have—despite shared roots—so far never joined forces in a united cause of pan-Lozi nationalism. We outline the historical processes through which the Lozi kingdom was partitioned and gradually transformed into Barotseland and the Caprivi Strip during the colonial period. We then examine how decolonization planted the seeds of Lozi separatism in Western Province and the secessionist movement in Caprivi, and how these evolved separately after Zambia’s and Namibia’s independence. The final section traces the initial thawing and renewed freezing of relations between successive central governments and separatists in the Zambian case, as well as the high treason trial that defined the aftermath of the Caprivi secession in Namibia.

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Vorheriges Kapitel The Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance: The Illusion of Separatism in Senegal?

Nächstes Kapitel Biafra and Secessionism in Nigeria: An Instrument of Political Bargaining

The terms Lozi and Barotse are synonymous.

In the Lozi administrative hierarchy the Ngambela is the most senior councilor who communicates decisions between the Litunga and the khuta, as well as the public. In obvious relation to the Westminster Model, he is often referred to as “Prime Minister.”

United Democratic Party (2005).

The exact number is disputed but this is the verifiable minimum number of casualties.

WP: 2010 Zambia national census; Caprivi: 2011 Population and Housing Census.

Cf. Lemarchand (1972) and Eifert et al. (2010).

cf. Zeller (2007a, b, 2009, 2010) and Melber (2009).

Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983), Mamdani (1996) and Forrest (2004)

Mainga (1973), Caplan (1970), Gluckman (1959), Trollope (1937: 19) and Flint (2003)

Gluckman (1955, 1965). See also Sumbwa (2000).

Caplan (1970) and Mainga (1973: 139).

Flint (2003: 402–410), Mainga (1973: 132f) and Gluckman (1941: 96).

Caplan (1969)

Mainga Bull (1995: 5).

Flint (2004: 119)

Mainga (1973: 171)

Anglo-German agreement of 1890, Article III. 2.

The English name of the document is “Anglo-German Agreement of 1890.”

The population of the area referred to the place as “Luhonono” and in August 2013, the Namibian government announced that this would replace “Schuckmannsburg” as its official name.

Streitwolf (1911: 229–234).

Mainga Bull (1995: 5), Mainga (1973: 161) and Caplan (1970: 74–118).

Caplan (1970: 86f).

Van Horn (1977: 164) and Gluckman (1941: 164).

Mainga (1973: 206)

Mainga Bull (1995: 6)

Streitwolf (1911: 110).

Two of these groups claimed autonomous chieftaincies in the post-independence period and their official recognition by the South West African People Organisation (SWAPO) government infuriated the core leadership of the Mafwe.

Mainga Bull (1995: 6).

Caplan (1970: 145)

Kangumu (2000, 2011)

Caplan (1970: 168ff)

Mainga Bull (1995: 9) and Caplan (1968: 346f)

Caplan (1968: 350f) and Mulford (1967: 212ff)

Sumbwa (2000)

Caplan (1968: 355)

Mainga Bull (1995: 12)

Kenneth Kaunda in a speech at Lealui on August 6, 1964, cited in Sumbwa (2000, 114).

Caplan (1968: 356)

Silozi is used for regular administrative proceedings, Siluyana for royal and ceremonial affairs.

MP Mrs. Judith Hart http://www.theyworkforyou.com/debates/?id=1966-12-13a.227.9&s=barotse#g229.4.

Flint (2004: 167f).

Cf. Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983).

In 1963 the South African government published the Report of the Commission of Enquiry into South West African Affairs, commonly known as the Odendaal Report after its chairman, Fox Odendaal. Its official purpose was to make recommendations on the best ways to promote the socioeconomic development of Namibia’s black majority population, but it is widely regarded as an attempt to fend off anti-Apartheid critics.

Flint (2004: 174) and Kangumu (2011: 214 ff)

Fisch (1999: 42)

Muyongo served as SWAPO Representative in Zambia (1964–1965), Educational Secretary (1966–1970), and Vice President (1970–80)

United Democratic Party (2005) and Flint (2004: 188).

http://www.caprivivision.com/who-has-the-power-to-revive-canu/.

Caprivi Freedom (2013)

South Africa (1964).

Fosse (1996) and Kangumu (2011)

Cf. Melber and Saunders (2007)

Virtual Zambia (2008)

MMD (1991)

Times of Zambia (January 31, 2009).

Englebert (2005: 29–59) and Sumbwa (2000: 115f)

Mainga Bull (1995: 8) and Sumbwa (2000: 116)

Sumbwa (2000: 117)

Sumbwa (2000: 119f)

Minorities at Risk (2009).

Barotse National Conference (1995).

The Post (1994) and Englebert (2005)

Englebert (2005). Compare with Mbikusita-Lewanika (2001) and Barotse Patriotic Front (2004)

Muyongo was the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) Vice President from 1987 until 1992 and DTA President from 1992 to 1999. http://www.klausdierks.com/Biographies/Biographies_M.html. Accessed June 30, 2008

As Soiri (2001: 200) notes, it is difficult to establish whether politics entered into ethnicity or vice versa.

Fosse (1996: 165–168) and Flint (2004: 244–266)

Fosse (1996: 165)

Fisch (1999: 20)

Compare with Streitwolf (1911: 126)

Soiri (2001: 201).

See also Flint (2003: 427).

Amnesty International (2003a)

cf. Zeller (2007b, 2010)

Amnesty International (2003a)

Amnesty International (2003b)

afrolNews/IRIN (2006)

The Namibian, February 12, 2013 and Menges (2013).

Analysis Africa (2013). The overall figures slightly differ according to sources and cannot be verified beyond any doubt. As the report also concludes: “Many have been tortured, and the state now faces potentially huge civil claims from the 43 men set free by the court after spending 13 years in jail.” See also The Namibian of February 2, 2002, and of June 16, 2007, reporting on the claims of some of the accused to be “Caprivians” and not “Namibians » and hence refusing to accept the jurisdiction of the Namibian courts.

Examples include a pro-secessionist opinion piece published in Caprivi Vision 1 September 2005, and the controversy over the revival and subsequent banning of the United Democratic Party (UDP) (The Namibian, July 28, 2006, and September 8, 2006; Allgemeine Zeitung, September 4, 2006; New Era, September 4–5, 2006). Caprivi separatists claim that this (hitherto undisclosed) document proves that the 1964 Caprivi African National Union (CANU)-SWAPO merger was agreed on the condition that Caprivi would become an independent state separate from Namibia (The Namibian, January 24, 2007), the reinstallment of CANU by locals and the repeated public claims by accused and acquitted high treason suspects that Caprivi is historically “not part of Namibia” (The Namibian, February 2, 2005; January 17, 2007, April 17, 2007, and June 14, 2007, respectively).

Sankwasa (2013)

Sasman (2017)

Namibian Sun (2013).

http://www.caprivifreedom.com/news.i?cmd=view&nid=1198.

http://www.caprivifreedom.com/news.i?cmd=view&nid=1185; see also www.capriviconcernedgroup.com.

http://geocurrents.info/news-map/war-and-strife-news/continuing-tension-in-namibias-caprivi-strip#ixzz2VXa0UJv5; http://www.thevillager.com.na/news_article.php?id=1439&title=Caprivi%20rises%20%20again.

The ruling party’s handling of the SWAPO detainee issue and the National Society for Human Rights and, the emergence of opposition parties Congress of Democrats and Rally for Democracy and Progress are prominent examples.

Reader’s Letter (2008). The Namibian, accessed at: http://www.namibian.com.na/2008/March/letters/08ED201395.html.

The Namibian (2008). See also “Pohamba at political rally.” 2008. The Namibian, accessed at: http://www.namibian.com.na/2008/February/national/08EB20FA4F.html.

Mutenda (2013).

Guijarro (2013).

Sanzila (2013)

Ngoshi (2013).

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The Windhoek Observer (2013).

Interview, Inyambo Yeta (2005).

http://www.postzambia.com/post-read_article.php?articleId=25516.

http://www.postzambia.com/post-read_article.php?articleId=21897.

http://www.postzambia.com/post-read_article.php?articleId=18135.

http://www.ukzambians.co.uk/home/2012/02/28/president-satas-reaction-to-barotse-report-a-u-turn-or-a-consciously-calculated-electoral-deception/?695d7100.

100

http://www.barotseland.info/Freedom_Resolution_2012.htm.

Afrol News/IRIN. (2006). Caprivi political party declared illegal. Retrieved from http://www.afrol.com/articles/21239

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Amnesty International. (2003b). Namibia: Authorities must ensure a fair trial for Caprivi defendants. Amnesty International, report reference AFR 42/005/2003.

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Barotse National Conference. (1995). Resolutions of the Barotse National Conference Lealui. Lusaka, Zambia, November 3–4, 1995.

Barotse Patriotic Front. (2004). Submission to the Constitutional Review Commission.

Caplan, G. L. (1968). Barotseland, the secessionist challenge to Zambia. Journal of Modern African Studies, 6(3), 343–360.CrossRef

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Eifert, B., Miguel, E., & Posner, D. N. (2010). Political competition and ethnic identification in Africa. American Journal of Political Science, 54(2), 494–510.CrossRef

Englebert, P. (2005). Compliance and defiance to national integration in Barotseland and Casamance. Afrika Spektrum, 39(1), 29–59.

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Mr. Marcus Ndebele, market trader, Mwandi, May 25, 2004.

Mr. Namukolo Mukutu, former Permanent Secretary for Agriculture, Lusaka, 4 June 2004.

Mr. Sibeso Yeta, Mwandi, May 20, 2004.

Mr. Wally Herbst, Mwandi, May 24, 2004.

Mrs Fiona Dixon-Thompson, Mwandi, May 24, 2004.

Munukayumbwa Mulumemui, BRE Induna Omei for Sesheke District, Mwandi, May 21, 2004.

Dominik Sandema, BRE Induna Anasambala for Sesheke District, Mwandi, June 11, 2004.

Senior Chief Inyambo Yeta, BRE chief for Sesheke District, Mwandi, June 14, 2004.

Titel: United in Separation? Lozi Secessionism in Zambia and Namibia
verfasst von: Wolfgang Zeller
Henning Melber
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Buch: Secessionism in African Politics
Print ISBN: 978-3-319-90205-0

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-90206-7

Copyright-Jahr: 2019
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90206-7_11

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