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Erschienen in: The Review of International Organizations 2/2012

01.06.2012

Certified or branded?

A game-theoretic analysis of the IMF’s policy support instrument

verfasst von: Rune Jansen Hagen

Erschienen in: The Review of International Organizations | Ausgabe 2/2012

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Abstract

While often considered a purely financial institution, the IMF has throughout its history performed non-financial services for its membership. The latest example is the Policy Support Instrument (PSI), a certification mechanism established in 2005 for which only poor members are eligible. Based on a formal game-theoretic model, I argue that it is unlikely that the PSI will serve well the intention of facilitating capital market access for members requesting the service. Their low income, the lack of significant consequences for markets, the IMF’s traditional reluctance to criticize members, as well as the need to promote the use of the new arrangement indicate that the Fund could emphasize participants’ welfare over the interests of private lenders. The continued importance of foreign aid in eligible countries also puts the IMF in the role of gatekeeping such flows, which might conflict with sending clear signals to commercial actors. All these reasons imply that in many cases its seal of approval will be of little use to third-parties, despite the high standards to which PSI-countries are supposed to adhere. The best argument in favor of the PSI being a useful addition to the Fund’s tool kit for low-income members is the fact that several countries have already signed a second one.

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Fußnoten
1
See the excellent discussion of the pros and cons of various mechanisms for signalling the private information of the Fund to outsiders without committing financial resources, including those that are defunct or never made it past the proposal-stage, in IMF (2004).
 
2
See IMF (2005a) as well as Policy Support Instrument—Framework, Decision No. 13561-(05/85), as amended. The PSI framework was slightly revised in connection with the recent revamping of the Fund’s concessional facilities, c.f. A New Architecture of Facilities for Low-Income Countries and Reform of the Fund’s Concessional Financing Framework, Decision No. 14385-(09/79).
 
3
In terms of technical assistance, the PSI is no different from a financial program. I thank Camelia Minoiu of the IMF Institute for clarifying this point.
 
4
According to Taylor (2006: 386), “[...] a series of requests for this type of program from the finance ministers of HIPCs in Africa was what first put this idea on the reform agenda [...]” The IMF itself conducted surveys of both LIC-members as well as other stakeholders in connection with both the initial decision as well as the first review of the PSI (IMF 2005b, 2009a). These surveys provide some support for there being such a demand. However, the independent survey by Martin et al. (2009) paints a more sanguine picture.
 
5
Cape Verde is currently classified as a lower middle-income country by the World Bank, but falls under the exception of “small island economies.” For the sake of simplicity I will sometimes speak of PSI-eligible IMF members as LICs, though there are potential and actual exceptions to this rule like Cape Verde.
 
6
A formal model showing how a concern for its reputation in surveillance could explain why IMF conditional lending does not work is provided by Marchesi and Sabani (2007).
 
7
Recent studies look at this issue from a somewhat different angle. Gelos et al. (2011) and Thomas (2009) analyze what factors give poor countries access to private capital markets. The former find no significant effect of IMF programs once the quality of policies is controlled for, whereas the latter finds that in contrast to IDA-eligible countries the market access of IDA graduates is positively affected by the time spent in IMF programs. The results of Bauer et al. (2011) indicate that with respect to FDI the sign of the catalytic effect depends on the political regime.
 
8
See, e.g., Bird et al. (2004) and Joyce (2005).
 
9
The exceptions are Cape Verde and Nigeria. The other five have benefitted from the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative too.
 
10
With the exception of Rwanda they also have the lowest concessionality requirements due to their low risk of debt distress, c.f. Table 1 in IMF (2009b).
 
11
On the “Millennium Rush”—the rapid increase in the number of HIPC-countries in 2000—that resulted from external pressure on the World Bank and the IMF to speed up the process of delivering debt relief, see Killick (2004). Marchesi (2003) finds that in the period covered by the Baker and Brady plans, IMF programs facilitated debt relief from private creditors.
 
12
See, e.g., Dollar and Levin (2006) and Claessens et al. (2009).
 
13
This assumption is common in the literature on sovereign debt, c.f. the review by Eaton and Fernandez (1995).
 
14
For more on the legal issues of sovereign debt, see, e.g., Roubini and Setser (2004) and Panizza et al. (2009).
 
15
Acharya and Diwan (1993) have shown that a debtor buying back its debt might signal its willingness to invest to creditors. To concentrate on the IMF’s strategic role I therefore assume that the country’s initial debt is zero.
 
16
The necessity of assuming \(1+\rho >\lambda\left( 1+\kappa^{H}\right) \) is then clear: one more unit of borrowing increases the left-hand side of the condition for indifference with respect to default by 1 + ρ and the right-hand side by \(\lambda\left( 1+\kappa^{H}\right) \). If the latter exceeded the former lenders could lend an infinite amount without ever risking default. \(\overline{B}^{P}\) is found in corresponding fashion.
 
17
For an analysis of the impact of aid on commercial credit from a different perspective, see Pedersen (2003).
 
18
For theoretical analyzes, see Hagen (2006), Martens et al. (2002), Pedersen (1996, 2001), and Svensson (2000). On the record of multilateral conditionality, see e.g. Mosley et al. (1991), Killick et al. (1998), Dollar and Svensson (1998), Ivanova et al. (2003), and Easterly (2005).
 
19
If anything, the problem is magnified in the sphere of aid by the broken feed-back loop from ultimate beneficiaries (the poor in developing countries) to the ultimate donors (taxpayers in rich countries), which tend to make outputs such as the amount spent the measuring rod for performance instead of outcomes on the ground.
 
20
That the Fund has been under considerable pressure in recent years to allow aid to be “scaled up” to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. This indicates that quantity still matters as much as quality in aid. Moreover, the political support for the Paris Agenda seems to be waning in important countries like the UK. Hence, aid policy could also backslide and become less selective again.
 
21
It is of course unrealistic to assume that the IMF becomes as knowledgeable as the country’s authorities, but it is a useful simplification at this stage. Moreover, the results should continue to hold as long as the IMF has an informational advantage over private lenders and donors. Including information costs is left for future research.
 
22
Admittedly, this formulation is somewhat awkward in a two-period model. However, the important point is that the model is static, and considering the dynamics of this state variable would take us too far afield.
 
23
Both the latter argument as well as the argument about the need for maintaining a reputation with capital market participants are really arguments about the Fund’s long-term incentives. In a static model like the current one, however, they can usefully be taken as arguments for including the objectives of these actors amongst those that are more narrowly the IMF’s own goals.
 
24
Such variation—reflected in the size of IMF loans and the stringency of its conditionality—has been documented for middle-income countries by Copelovitch (2010), Pop-Eleches (2009), and Stone (2002). As argued by these authors, this most likely follows from temporal variations in the interests of the dominant members and the Fund bureaucracy. However, as argued below it is more difficult to see why this should apply to the PSI-countries, which are neither economically important to the major shareholders nor systemically important.
 
25
If pooling at L or H was allowed for, I would have to change the message space when investigating whether such PBE are neologism-proof to maintain the possibility of the IMF literally stating, say, that the review revealed i = H (as a pooling equilibrium statement H would then convey the meaning “no conclusion”). As noted, Farrell (1993) also assumes that neologisms are always available.
 
26
C.f. Proposition 2.
 
27
Here is where the normalization in Eq. 5 contributes to the cleanliness of the results.
 
28
For \(\beta<\widehat{\beta}\) and \(\theta<\widehat{\theta}\) the lemons actually also suffer from the IMF’s inability to credibly convey its private information to donors and lenders.
 
29
For a review of the political economy of the IMF, see Steinwand and Stone (2008). A recent empirical analysis of which economic and political factors robustly affect the signing of IMF financial agreements and their size is provided by Moser and Sturm (2011).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Certified or branded?
A game-theoretic analysis of the IMF’s policy support instrument
verfasst von
Rune Jansen Hagen
Publikationsdatum
01.06.2012
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
The Review of International Organizations / Ausgabe 2/2012
Print ISSN: 1559-7431
Elektronische ISSN: 1559-744X
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-011-9135-4

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