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Erschienen in: Political Behavior 2/2022

04.01.2022 | Original Paper

Christian Nationalism and Political Violence: Victimhood, Racial Identity, Conspiracy, and Support for the Capitol Attacks

verfasst von: Miles T. Armaly, David T. Buckley, Adam M. Enders

Erschienen in: Political Behavior | Ausgabe 2/2022

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Abstract

What explains popular support for political violence in the contemporary United States, particularly the anti-institutional mob that attacked the U.S. Capitol in January 2021? Recent scholarship gives reason to suspect that a constellation of beliefs known as “Christian nationalism” may be associated with support for such violence. We build on this work, arguing that religious ideologies like Christian nationalism should be associated with support for violence, conditional on several individual characteristics that can be inflamed by elite cues. We turn to three such factors long-studied by scholars of political violence: perceived victimhood, reinforcing racial and religious identities, and support for conspiratorial information sources. Each can be exacerbated by elite cues, thus translating individual beliefs in Christian nationalism into support for political violence. We test this approach with original survey data collected in the wake of the Capitol attacks. We find that all the identified factors are positively related to each other and support for the Capitol riot; moreover, the relationship between Christian nationalism and support for political violence is sharply conditioned by white identity, perceived victimhood, and support for the QAnon movement. These results suggest that religion’s role in contemporary right-wing violence is embedded with non-religious factors that deserve further scholarly attention in making sense of support for political violence.

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Fußnoten
1
 
2
Peter Manseau, “Some Capitol rioters believed they answered God’s call, not just Trump’s,” Washington Post, February 11, 2021. Available at:
 
3
Bob Smietana, “Jericho March Returns to DC to Pray for a Trump Miracle,” Religion News Service, January 5, 2021. Available at:
 
4
For an early example of thinktank research emphasizing “moderate” ideology, see “Building Moderate Muslim Networks,” RAND Corporation, 2007. Available at: https://​www.​rand.​org/​content/​dam/​rand/​pubs/​monographs/​2007/​RAND_​MG574.​pdf. For an overview of empirical shortcomings in this approach, see “Why Countering Violent Extremism Programs Are Bad Policy,” Brennan Center for Justice, September 9, 2019. Available at: https://​www.​brennancenter.​org/​our-work/​research-reports/​why-countering-violent-extremism-programs-are-bad-policy
 
5
This is not to rule out links between Christian nationalism and measures of religious affiliation or behavior. Indeed, we present correlations between Christian nationalism and common measures of religious affiliation and service attendance in the appendix.
 
6
While civil religion is commonly defined as non-dependent on Christian identification, Jacobs and Theiss-Morse (2013) show that Christians commonly connect Christianity to American national identity.
 
7
Paul Djupe and Jacob Dennen, “Christian nationalists and QAnon followers tend to be anti-Semitic. That was seen in the Capitol attack.” Washington Post-Monkey Cage, January 26, 2021. Available at: https://​www.​washingtonpost.​com/​politics/​2021/​01/​26/​christian-nationalists-qanon-followers-tend-be-anti-semitic-that-was-visible-capitol-attack/​
Paul Djupe and Ryan Bruge, “A Conspiracy at the Heart of It: Religion and Q,” Religion in Public, November 6, 2020. Available at: https://​religioninpublic​.​blog/​2020/​11/​06/​a-conspiracy-at-the-heart-of-it-religion-and-q/​
 
8
Wyatte Grantham-Philips, “Pastor Paula White calls on angels from Africa and South America to bring Trump victory,” USA Today, November 5, 2020. Available at: https://​www.​usatoday.​com/​story/​news/​nation/​2020/​11/​05/​paula-white-trumps-spiritual-adviser-african-south-american-angels/​6173576002/​
 
9
Elizabeth Dias and Ruth Graham, “How White Evangelical Christians Fused With Trump Extremism,” New York Times, Jaunary 11, 2021. Available at: https://​www.​nytimes.​com/​2021/​01/​11/​us/​how-white-evangelical-christians-fused-with-trump-extremism.​html
 
10
Paul Moses, “The renegade Catholic clerics who shamefully backed Trump's Big Lie,” CNN.com, January 19, 2021. Available at: https://​www.​cnn.​com/​2021/​01/​19/​opinions/​catholic-clerics-who-backed-trump-big-lie-moses/​index.​html
 
11
Dias and Graham, “How White Evangelical Christians Fused.”.
 
12
Jeffrey Goldberg, “Mass Delusion in America,” The Atlantic, January 6, 2021. Available at: https://​www.​theatlantic.​com/​politics/​archive/​2021/​01/​among-insurrectionists​/​617580/​. Green, “A Christian Insurrection.”.
 
13
Matthew Avery Sutton, “The Capitol Riot Revealed the Darkest Nightmares of White Evangelical America,” The New Republic, January 14, 2021. Available at: https://​newrepublic.​com/​article/​160922/​capitol-riot-revealed-darkest-nightmares-white-evangelical-america
 
14
Luke Mogelson, “A Reporter’s Video from Inside the Capitol Siege,” The New Yorker, January 6, 2021. Available at: https://​www.​newyorker.​com/​video/​watch/​a-reporters-footage-from-inside-the-capitol-siege
 
16
Morgan Lee, “Christian nationalism is worse than you think,” Christianity Today, January 13, 2021. Available at: https://​www.​christianitytoda​y.​com/​ct/​podcasts/​quick-to-listen/​christian-nationalism-capitol-riots-trump-podcast.​html
 
17
Melissa Graves and Mohammad Fraser-Rahim, “The U.S. Needs Deradicalization—for Christian Extremists,” Foreign Policy, March 23, 2021. Available at: https://​foreignpolicy.​com/​2021/​03/​23/​usa-needs-qanon-deradicalization​-christian-extremists/​
 
18
“Why Countering Violent Extremism Programs Are Bad Policy.”.
 
19
Angel Rabasa, Cheryl Benard, Lowell Schwartz and Peter Sickle, “Building Moderate Muslim Networks,” RAND Corporation, 2007, p. iii. Available at: https://​www.​rand.​org/​content/​dam/​rand/​pubs/​monographs/​2007/​RAND_​MG574.​pdf
 
20
“Turning Point: A New Comprehensive Strategy for Countering Violent Extremism,” Center or Strategic and International Studies, November 14, 2016. Available at: https://​www.​csis.​org/​features/​turning-point
 
21
“Department of State and USAID Joint Strategy on Countering Violent Extremism,” May 2016, p. 3. Available at: https://​2009-2017.​state.​gov/​documents/​organization/​257913.​pdf
 
22
“National Strategy for Counterterrorism of the United States of America,” October 2018, p. 3. Available at: https://​www.​odni.​gov/​files/​NCTC/​documents/​news_​documents/​NSCT.​pdf
 
23
“Religion, radicalization and countering violent extremism,” Wilton Park, April 29, 2016, p. 1. https://​www.​wiltonpark.​org.​uk/​wp-content/​uploads/​Statement-on-religion-radicalisation-and-countering-violent-extremism.​pdf
 
24
While scholarship motivates our argument about elite cues, given our observational research design, we do not experimentally test the effect of such cue-giving. As we discuss in the conclusion, our findings here point to potential next steps using such experimental, cue-oriented research designs.
 
25
While these conditioning variables are grounded in recent scholarship, other candidates exist as well. In the American context, for instance, partisanship has become a key constraint on ideological politics, and may be linked to Christian nationalism’s activation. The broader literature on support for political violence gives some pause on this point, however. Tessler and Robbins (2007) find that support for terrorism is strongest among those generally disaffected with existing political elites, rather than those with strong political allegiance, and Fair and Shepherd (2006) find those more supportive of statements characteristic of Islamist parties are less supportive of terrorism. See the conclusion for more discussion of the potential study of partisanship, Christian nationalism, and violence.
 
26
Seven minutes is also the first quartile mark. While some survey organizations, like Qualtrics, only classify as speeders those with a completion time less than half the median, this number would be 4.6 min or less in our sample––much less time than necessary for completing some 90 survey questions. That said, results hold if we do not remove speeders from the sample.
 
27
To be clear, we do not argue that whites are exclusively prone to political violence or supportive of the Capitol attack. However, inclusion of a measure of white identity will inherently limit the sample to whites.
 
28
In the appendix, we also present models that replicate those found below, also controlling for authoritarianism and perceptions of electoral fraud in 2020. Our results are robust to these additional controls.
 
29
It is important to note that we include these measures of alternative dimensions of religion as statistical controls, not in an attempt to falsify their potential role in building support for political violence. In practice, as shown in the appendix, several measures of religiosity are correlated with Christian nationalism. Thus, it would be misleading to interpret our results as demonstrating that factors like religious service attendance or white evangelical identification are unimportant in understanding support for the Capitol riots.
 
30
The primary models use unaffiliated individuals (i.e., agnostics, atheists, and those who report no religious affiliation) as the omitted reference category for evaluating the influence of religious identification. Results concerning Christian nationalism and interaction terms are not affected by use of alternative referent categories. We also note here that the evangelical dummy variable captures only Protestant evangelicals; alternative specifications that included non-Protestants who self-identify as evangelical did not impact results of interest.
 
31
Because of the skewed nature of the dependent variables, we also estimated the models using tobit regression, a model built for censored data. All results presented below hold. Estimates from these models appear in the appendix.
 
32
Models 1 and 4 (which do not contain measures of Christian nationalism or any of our hypothesized conditioning variables) do demonstrate a positive relationship between religious attendance and support for political violence, while religious tradition variables, compared to the unaffiliated baseline category, are not statistically significant. The statistical significance and magnitude of the estimated effect of religious attendance are substantially reduced in the fully specified models 3 and 6. As we state in note 29, Christian nationalism is itself correlated both with certain religious affiliations and religious attendance, so we do not interpret these results as somehow ruling out the importance of studying links between those variables and support for political violence.
 
33
We also investigate these interactive relationships using cross-tabulation tables in the appendix; these simple analyses demonstrate the robustness of the conditional effects we model.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Christian Nationalism and Political Violence: Victimhood, Racial Identity, Conspiracy, and Support for the Capitol Attacks
verfasst von
Miles T. Armaly
David T. Buckley
Adam M. Enders
Publikationsdatum
04.01.2022
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Political Behavior / Ausgabe 2/2022
Print ISSN: 0190-9320
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-6687
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-021-09758-y

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