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Erschienen in: Contemporary Islam 2/2020

20.06.2019

Common sense is not so common: integration and perceptions of ‘traditional Islam’ in Russia’s Volga-Ural region

verfasst von: Bulat G. Akhmetkarimov

Erschienen in: Contemporary Islam | Ausgabe 2/2020

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Abstract

To what extent does the official state rhetoric about ‘traditional Islam’ reflect the lay understanding of the concept by practicing Muslims in Russia’s Volga-Ural region? Research and commentaries on contemporary Islam in Russia show that ‘traditional Islam’ in the country has lately become a contentious term with state officials, intellectuals, Muslim clergy, general public, and most importantly local and migrant practicing Muslims emphasizing different senses of the concept (Benussi 2018a, Di Puppo 2018a, Anthropological Journal of European Cultures, 27(1), 99–104, 2018b, Di Puppo and Schmoller 2019). Yet few studies attempt to examine the reason why some Muslims endorse state-approved interpretations of ‘traditional Islam’ while others consciously assess the term and express their religious beliefs and practices differently. This article aims to contribute to this lacuna in the literature. I advance the argument that the meaning of ‘traditional Islam’ for many practicing Muslims residing in Russia depends on the level of (social) integration of those believers into society. Socially well-integrated individuals often take special care to ensure that long-established local customs and lifestyles are preserved and reflected in their religious practices. Less-integrated and marginalized individuals commonly tend to refer to stereotypical essentialist narrative that often disavow time-honored local ancestral beliefs and cultural practices and largely disregard the authority of the local established clergy. While the first category of believers and religious communities that they form enjoy support of the state, individuals with “divergent” thinking patterns are often limited in their ability to act as a group and are further cut off from the public sphere. In a qualitative analysis of several Muslim communities in the Republics of Tatarstan and Bashkortostan in Russia, employing interview and ethnographic methods, I examine perspectives of practicing Muslims on the notion of “traditional Islam” and contrast them with the secular rhetoric of state officials. Most interviewees agree that Islam as a religion satisfies a desire which the material world leaves unfulfilled. However, they disagree on how ‘traditional Islam’ reflects culture, values and history.

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Fußnoten
1
For the most recent discussion on ‘traditional’ and ‘non-traditional’ Islam, see (Benussi 2018a, Di Puppo 2018a, b, Di Puppo and Schmoller 2019).
 
2
For discussion of various aspects of the distinction between “tradition” and “modernity”, see Hobsbawm Eric and Ranger (1983); Anderson (2006).
 
3
See Benussi (2018a) for the discussion of ‘traditional Islam’ at the level of local politics as ethno-national spiritual heritage and at the state level, as all-Russian “sovereign Islam”.
 
4
In the context of this study, beliefs and practices are related and mutually formative. Beliefs often shape religious practices, while engaging in particular practices tends to transform and deepen people’s beliefs.
 
5
Also see Sophie Roche (2018) for the discussion of how Islam works as an integrating factor beyond ethnic identities.
 
6
While the lack of definite knowledge as to whether or not the sample is an accurate reading of the target population is a known disadvantage of this sampling technique, snowball sampling is very effective in locating people of a specific population. To minimize the effect of sampling error I have started with a set of initial informants that are as diverse as possible and represent the population of the region.
 
7
Musina (2016). For a detailed account of demographics in the Volga Ural region, see Minzaripov et al. 2013.
Rubcov 2014.
Sakaev 2015.
Hilazheva et al. 2017.
Gabdrahmanov and Rubcov 2012.
Musina (2016).
 
8
See Di Puppo (2018a, b) to see how the discourse of ‘traditional Islam’ can be traced back to the Soviet-era attempts to promote ‘official Islam’ or further to the 19th and early 20th centuries debate between Jadids and Qadimists in the Volga-Ural region.
 
9
So, it is evident that Tadjuddin used the term “traditional Islam” with a particular meaning in mind before the 1997 law. Apparently, what he had in mind seems to match the definition of the law. Rather than a coincidence, it seems that the law reflected an ongoing debate in Russia to which Tadjuddin was referring when he made his comments. This debate was more broadly about religion, not about Islam alone.
The Law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Associations (1997) is a Russian law passed and signed by President Boris Yeltsin on September 26, 1997.
 
10
For a detailed discussion of the 1997 law and its provisions, see Lekhel (1999); Durham Jr et al. (1998); Davis (1997); Shterin and Richardson (1998, 2000); Fagan (2013).
 
11
Often in practice (de facto) the ability to register with the state as a religious group depended on this group’s place in local religious-administrative hierarchy. In most parts of Russia communities belonging or willing to subordinate to official Muslim organizations were able to easily gain registration. Yet, according to Filatov and Lukin, as of 2005 there still were a large number of unregistered Muslim communities (Filatov and Lunkin 2006). Goble suggests that as of 2005 there were roughly 8500 Muslim religious communities on the territory of the Russian Federation. Only about 3000 of them at the time were registered with the authorities. Others either had chosen not to apply for registration or had been turned town by officials in Moscow or in the regions. See Filatov and Lunkin (2006); Goble (2005a, b)
 
12
Geraci 2001. For detailed discussion of the emergence of post-Soviet muftiates, see Silantyev (2007).
 
13
See Silantyev (2007, 2008).
 
14
Equal access of all religious groups to the public sphere is a distinctive feature of a passive secular regime. See Kuru 2009.
 
15
For a detailed discussion of the 1997 law and its provisions, see Lekhel (1999); Durham Jr et al. (1998); Davis (1997); Shterin and Richardson (1998, 2000); Fagan (2013).
 
16
Zakon Respubliki Dagestan 1998. Article 10.
 
17
Zakon Respubliki Dagestan. Article 9.
 
18
Zakon Respubliki Dagestan. Article 21.
 
19
Zakon Respubliki Dagestan. Article 4.
 
20
Babich (2004, 2006). For a more detailed account of Hanafism and its history, see Tsafrir 2004. Imams who were educated abroad and learned about other schools of Islamic law contest Hanafism. Some of these imams suggest that in Russia the official religious authorities have attempted to institutionalize the Hanafi madhhab in order to consolidate their position in the system, ensure ‘heritage’ and historical institutional/ideological continuity.
 
21
Whether it is the law that informs religious practices (top-down approach) or religious practice precipitates adoption of a religious law (bottom-up approach) is an old debate. For example, according to Gill, laws regulating religious organizations may define the cost of consuming religion and therefore determine religious diversity and participation (Gill 1999). For details, see Gill (1999). This paper contributes to this literature by exploring how practicing Muslims themselves consciously assess their religious beliefs and practices in Russian regions and whether legal constraints play a considerable role in their decisions about manifestation of those beliefs.
 
22
Vlabimir Putin, Speech at a celebratory event marking the 225th anniversary of the founding of the Central Spiritual Administration of Muslims in Russia. October 22, 2013. http://​www.​kremlin.​ru/​transcripts/​19473 (Last accessed on February 18, 2019)
 
23
For further discussion on the subject of “traditional” vs. “nontraditional” Islam in Russia, see:
Muhametshin 2003
Jakupov 2006
Khakimov 2005
Kamilevich 2016
Gajazov 2015
Abdulaeva (2012)
Bobrovnikov (2007)
Akaev 2008
Sultanahmedova Zalina 2018
Ragozina 2018
Safargaleev 2016
 
24
One may assume that better integrated groups may possess and use resources to promote their vision of Islam in Russia. This article, however, doesn’t suggest a causal link between integration and religious beliefs. It merely hints at correlation between the two. Socially integrated Muslims tend to think about the role of religion in private and public life differently from those who are less integrated, regardless of their ability to influence public opinion or possession of resources to promote a specific view.
 
25
Analysis of the in-depth interviews below suggests that perceptions of practicing Muslims partly overlap with views of the state officials when Muslims are well-integrated to the society, share important values with the general public, have common aspirations and assumptions about ways to achieve success and are equally committed to work for the common good of the society. Responses indicate that practicing Muslim’s views on the meaning of tradition and “traditional Islam” tend to diverge from the official rhetoric when Muslim believers are socially disconnected with peers, relatives, and the greater society.
 
26
Obviously, all of the above factors may also affect the level of integration. However, existence of these factors does not suggest spuriousness of the relationship or diminish the value of integration as an autonomous independent variable.
 
27
The distinction I suggest is not about Tatar Muslims and migrants or different generations of Muslims. It is more nuanced than that. I started by interviewing diverse Muslims, in urban and rural areas, mixing diverse generations, men and women, and then realized during the analysis of interviews that a certain division appears. Please see below for details.
 
28
Verkhniy Uslon is a town/village in the Republic of Tatarstan with population less than 5 thousand people. Tatar Muslims make only 25% of the total population. 65,8% are Russians
 
29
Roughly 85 thousand people live in Bugulma. 35,4% of them are Tatar Muslims.
 
30
Kazan is the capital of the republic of Tatarstan. The city’s population of 1.2 million people is mainly composed of Russians (about 48.6%) and Tatars (about 47.6%).
 
31
Arsk – Overall population about 20 thousand people. 89,4%, are Tatars, 9,6% are Russians
 
32
Some Muslims emphasize the importance of Islamic doctrines, particularly the five pillars of Islam, while revealing the role of religion in their lives. They underline the earthly significance of the belief in God, of regular prayer, charity, fasting, and the pilgrimage to Mecca. Some Muslims view their religion as a framework for their lives, and try to consistently practice the religion they believe, regardless its social value. Scholars call this internally oriented religiousness. According to Masters, a prototypic intrinsic religiousness test item is “My whole approach to life is based upon my religion.” (Masters 2013). See Masters (2013) for definition and further discussion of intrinsic religiosity. Masters (2013). Still others see Islamic religious practice mainly as a form of social and political activism and suggest that public and political life should be guided by Islamic principles (ideological appeal)
 
33
Specific views of interviewees may neither represent the opinion of the author, nor reflect the attitude of all Muslims in this specific category.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Common sense is not so common: integration and perceptions of ‘traditional Islam’ in Russia’s Volga-Ural region
verfasst von
Bulat G. Akhmetkarimov
Publikationsdatum
20.06.2019
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in
Contemporary Islam / Ausgabe 2/2020
Print ISSN: 1872-0218
Elektronische ISSN: 1872-0226
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-019-00439-6

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