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Journal of Chinese Political Science

Erschienen in:

09.11.2016 | RESEARCH ARTICLE

Coordinated Rural-Urban Development in China: a New Social Spatial Reorganization Plan for Urbanization, Migration, and Rural Development

verfasst von: Joel Jay Kassiola

Erschienen in: Journal of Chinese Political Science | Ausgabe 1/2017

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Abstract

This essay focuses on a new social spatial reorganization plan for urbanization, migration, and rural development in China. The plan addresses China’s need to have urban, peri-urban, and rural areas reorganized in a coordinated way. The goal of the plan is to incorporate hundreds of millions of rural residents into the urban economy and its improved way of life. Rural residents are currently unable to be supported by the traditional farm, yet China’s large cities are already hard-pressed to serve its existing citizens. The plan calls for rural-urban development that is comprehensive, concentrated, and coordinated. The heart of the proposed social space redesign is the creation of the “super-municipality.” This is an enormous political jurisdiction in both geographical size and population to be managed and supported by the central government, and including modernized new Agricultural Commercial Enterprises to transform China’s agricultural sector.

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This Xinhua report uses the precise number of 250 million farmer-migrants and I have extrapolated forward and rounded the figure.

For the projected 2030 figure of migrants, and a comprehensive and detailed data presentation and analysis of China’s rural-to-urban migration see [21]. A more recent book-length discussion of the projected one billion urban Chinese caused by rural migration is [12].

The language “concentrated” versus “dispersed” urbanization is borrowed from [21, especially Chapter 5: “The Opportunity of Concentrated Urbanization,” 128–147].

The MGI Report authors define “supercity” as follows: “truly world-scale megacities with populations of 20 million plus;” an example given is Tokyo [21, 111].

For the latest “National New-Type Urbanization Plan” according to which the exclusionary hukou system will remain in place for cities over 3 million people see, [12, 17]. For smaller cities and towns urban hukou benefits are planned to be distributed by 2020, as noted by the author, [12, 17]. For an analysis and critique of dispersed urbanization see [21, 100–127].

For a detailed case study analysis of university admission policy and decisions and urban-rural status see [18, 139–147, and fn. 26, 222–223] where the author concludes: “Chinese universities have different admissions standards in different ,].hukou zones,” fn. 26, 222].

The scholarly literature on the poor conditions for Chinese rural migrants is both large and grim. One such work is: [25].

Both Chengdu and Chongqing were declared National Pilot areas to experiment with ending hukou classifications and extending urban welfare benefits. On Chengdu’s program see [24]. On Chongqing’s ambitious plans for millions of ruralites to be brought into that municipality see [12, 48–59]. This migrant plan of Chongqing will be discussed below. A comprehensive inclusive hukou policy in coordination with rural area reforms for both rural migrants and rural residents seems urgently needed, yet elusive; this is the policy and implementation gap that CRD aspires to fill.

[2]. The China Daily report states: “China plans to phase out its hukou, or household registration system, and help about 100 million settle in towns and cities by 2020.” Still, this latest hukou easing does not provide much-needed social welfare benefits for rural migrants in major and first-tier cities where most of the migrants reside.

Fei-Ling Wang discusses the Chinese government’s apprehension of “the danger of ‘Latin-Americanization’ and concern about decay in the Chinese urban business environment. . “ because of rural migrants flooding into China’s cities, see [19, 345].

Environmental concerns need to be raised here about the domestic and global environmental limits to this projected dramatic increase in China’s material consumption envisioned by a successful CRD policy. What would it mean for existing Global North, wealthy nations like the United States, Germany, Japan, etc.?

Would they make environmental space by slowing down their own economies’ resource use and pollution generated for increased Chinese consumption? Is another 600 million middle class Chinese consumers environmentally feasible, even if economically and politically possible, no matter what the rich Global North nations do? These are urgent questions that whole books could be written on and thus beyond the scope of this essay.

This inevitable clash between urban and rural ways of life that occurred in Chongqing’s People’s Heart Park would be obviated if whole villages (or most of the inhabitants) moved en masse to the peri-urban areas so they could continue to live together in their new and better surroundings.

Miller reports 180,000 protests in 2010; see [12, 64].

I have found two quantified cost estimates for extending urban hukou social welfare benefits to all rural migrant households living in cities, and they are remarkably close. One is 3.80 % GDP (2010) or 1.5 trillion RMB, and the other is 2.50 % of China’s urban GDP by 2025. While certainly significant costs for the central government of China, they do not appear to be infeasible, especially considering the huge political and social benefits. The first estimate is from Miller [12, 57], and the second is from the MGI Report [21, 123].

Campanella, Thomas J. 2008. The Concrete Dragon: China’s Urban Revolution And What It Means for the World. New York: Princeton Architectural Press.

China Daily. 2014. “Residence Permit Reform to Give Migrants Equal Rights. 5 December.

Du, Ying. 2000. Rural Labor Migration in Contemporary China: An Analysis of Its Features and the Macro Context. In Rural Labor Flows in China, eds. Loraine A. West, and Yaohui Zhao, 67–100. Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies. University of California.

Guang, Lei. 2010. Bringing the City Back In: The Chinese Debate on Rural Problems. In One Country, Two Societies: Rural-Urban Inequality in Contemporary China, ed. Martin King Whyte, 311–334. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Hsing, You-Tien. 2010. The Great Urban Transformation: Politics of Land and Property in China. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRef

Jacka, Tamara. 2006. Rural Women in Urban China: Gender, Migration and Social Change. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe.

Lefebvre, Henri. 1991. The Production of Space. Translated by: Donald Nicholson-Smith. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.

LeGates, Richard, and Delik Hudulah. 2013. Peri-Urban Planning for Developing East Asia. San Francisco: Urban Affairs Annual Conference.

Lu, Hanchao. 2010. Small-Town China: A Historical Perspective on Rural-Urban Relations. In One Country, Two Societies: Rural-Urban Inequality in Contemporary China, ed. Martin King Whyte, 29–54. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

10.

Ma, Jianbo. 2013. The Land Development Game in China. Lanham: Lexington Books.

11.

McKibben, Bill. 2006. The Great Leap: Scenes from China’s Industrial Revolution. Harper’s Magazine. December. 42–52.

12.

Miller, Tom. 2012. China’s Urban Billion: The Story Behind the Biggest Migration in Human History. London: Zed Books.

13.

Naughton, Barry. 2007. The Chinese Economy: Transitions and Growth. Cambridge: MIT Press.

14.

Solinger, Dorothy J. 1999. Contesting Citizenship in Urban China: Peasant Migrants, the State, and the Logic of the Market. Berkeley: University of California Press.

15.

South China Post. 2014. Migrant children as young as six join fight for school places in Beijing. 17 July.

16.

Su, Minzi. 2009. China’s Rural Development Policy: Exploring the “New Socialist Countryside.” Boulder, /CO: FirstForum Press.

17.

Taylor, Jon R. 2015. The China Dream is an Urban Dream: Assessing the CPC’s National New-Type Urbanization Plan. The Journal of Chinese Political Science. .http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11366-015-9341-7, 24 May. 1–20. Accessed: 6 July 2015.

18.

Wang, Fei-Ling. 2005. Organizing Through Division and Exclusion: China’s Hukou System. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

19.

Wang, Fei-Ling. 2010. Renovating the Great Floodgate: The Reform of China’s Hukou System. In One Country, Two Societies: Rural-Urban Inequality In Contemporary China, ed. Martin King Whyte, 335–364. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

20.

Whyte, Martin King, ed. 2010. One Country, Two Societies: Rural-Urban Inequality in Contemporary China. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

21.

Woetzel, Jonathan, et al. 2009. Preparing for China’s Urban Billion. March: Two Volumes and Executive Summary. McKinsey Global Institute http://www.mckinsey.com/insights/urbanization/preparing_for_china’s_urban_billion.

22.

World Bank. 2014. data.worldbank.org.

23.

Xinhua News Agency. 2013 Report. Fewer farmers raise food security concerns. http://news.xinhuanet.com/English/indepth/2013-02-05.

24.

Ye, Yumin, Richard LeGates, and Bo Qin. 2014. Coordinated Urban-Rural Development in China: The Chengdu Model. Manuscript.

25.

Zhang, Li. 2001. Strangers in the City: Reconfigurations of Space, Power, And Social Networks within China’s Floating Population. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

26.

Zhao, Yaohui. 2000. Rural-to-Urban Labor Migration in China: The Past and the Present. In Rural Labor Flows in China, eds. Loraine A. West, and Yaohui Zhao, 15–33. Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies. University of California.

Titel: Coordinated Rural-Urban Development in China: a New Social Spatial Reorganization Plan for Urbanization, Migration, and Rural Development
verfasst von: Joel Jay Kassiola
Publikationsdatum: 09.11.2016
Verlag: Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in: Journal of Chinese Political Science / Ausgabe 1/2017
Print ISSN: 1080-6954
Elektronische ISSN: 1874-6357
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-016-9431-1

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