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Erschienen in: Public Choice 3-4/2024

11.12.2023

Democracy, corruption, and endogenous entrepreneurship policy

verfasst von: Simon C. Parker

Erschienen in: Public Choice | Ausgabe 3-4/2024

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Abstract

This paper endogenizes pro-entrepreneurship policies in a model where voters choose the strength of these policies and entrepreneurs generate social returns which benefit the median voter. In the model, incumbent firms who are harmed by the greater competition that this policy promotes can push back in two ways: via corruption and persuasion. Specifically, they can bribe elected politicians to break their campaign promises; and they can allocate some of their rents to corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives that also benefit voters. The model predicts that corruption which weakens pro-entrepreneurship policy can be completely neutralized by a forward-looking median voter—without removing the incentive among incumbent firms to bribe politicians. In this way, endogenizing entrepreneurship policy can destroy any relationship between corruption and entrepreneurship. Corporate social responsibility initiatives modify this prediction, which provides a novel rationale for CSR that appears to be new to the literature as well.

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Fußnoten
1
The theoretical analysis in this article is also likely to be less applicable to developing countries, for two major reasons. First, many (though not all) developing countries suffer from weak institutions, and lack robust democracies allowing the general public to vote for and determine public entrepreneurship policy. My model in contrast applies to a setting where voters determine entrepreneurship policy, and respond to corporate and political corruption through the ballot box. Second, positive spillovers from entrepreneurship to the general public are generally less pronounced in developing countries, where unproductive and self-serving business ownership is common (Morck & Yeung, 2004); where most productive entrepreneurship is of the necessity type (Acs et al., 2008); and where entrepreneurs typically operate a long way behind the technological frontier (Acemoglu et al., 2006). In contrast, a central assumption in my model is positive spillovers from entrepreneurship.
 
2
An alternative modeling assumption would be to make \(\lambda\) heterogeneous instead of \(\gamma\), e.g., to reflect the fact that some voters benefit more from some entrepreneurial innovations than others (e.g., workers in incumbents who are disrupted by innovations gain less than workers in the firms introducing the innovations). This modeling choice would change neither the logic of the model nor the key results that follow.
 
3
This is also a parsimonious way of representing inter-temporal issues like policy deviations harming P’s re-election prospects in subsequent elections.
 
4
We assume that the constitution punishes politicians caught accepting bribes, but shows leniency towards the incumbent firm offering the bribes. Asymmetric punishment of this kind can be more effective than symmetric punishments where both parties have incentives to collude to make detection more difficult.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Democracy, corruption, and endogenous entrepreneurship policy
verfasst von
Simon C. Parker
Publikationsdatum
11.12.2023
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Public Choice / Ausgabe 3-4/2024
Print ISSN: 0048-5829
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7101
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-023-01133-1

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