2.1 Factors of Influence to Domestic Demand
Researchers (Gaudin
2006; Foster
2011) suggest that per capita consumption (pcc) decreases with an increase in household size. Most studies indicate that there are some economies of scale with many residents in a house, where food preparation, dishwashing, gardening and other activities take place regardless of household size and are capitalized on a shared living environment (Foster
2011; Willis et al.
2013). However, these economies of scale diminish, thus causing pcc to be less than proportional to household size beyond a household size threshold. Moreover, as far as water-conserving habits are concerned, research by Gilg and Barr (
2006) showed that households of fewer residents are more likely than the rest to be committed environmentalists; therefore, they are more likely to achieve larger water savings. Similarly, Sadr et al. (
2015) found that the increasing number of small family households and of people living alone aggravates the inefficient use problem.
The effects of household income on user demand have also been explored (Mieno and Braden
2011; Ahmad et al.
2016) and despite the climatic variations across the UK, urban water demand appears to be mainly a function of income, which influences the acquisition of water-using goods and household composition (Clarke et al.
1997). However, data on household income are not usually readily available for UK water systems. Geodemographic systems are commonly used in the UK domestic demand literature instead. One of these is Acorn (A Classification Of Residential Neighborhoods), which was developed in the UK and it has been used as a proxy variable for income and social status in several UK studies. It ranges from class 1 (Affluent Achievers) to class 5 (Urban Adversity).
Water demand appears to be linked to water use habits and attitudes towards conservation (Syme et al.
2004; Willis et al.
2011; Hoolohan and Browne
2016). Lam (
2006) found that beliefs about how neighbours would act on water conservation had a positive effect on water saving intentions. However, there is not enough evidence of whether conservation intentions translate into actions (Fielding et al.
2012).
2.2 Evaluation of Domestic Water Efficiency Programmes
In most cases, efficiency initiatives in the UK are set up without accounting for each population’s characteristics and habits, rather they are formed based on an average consumer. As Medd and Shove (
2006) point out, there should be a move away from analysis that is based on averages and a shift towards disaggregated analysis, so that the dynamics of real-life demand can be understood. Detailed information on local residential consumption is essential for the appropriate implementation of such programmes and for achieving larger water savings. Specifically, water companies usually do not investigate the effect that their water efficiency programmes had in households of different characteristics although this information would provide useful insights on the local population’s water use. Also, such data would be invaluable for future water efficiency initiatives as they would set the right direction for effective implementation on suitable population samples, thus potentially enabling larger water savings.
Technological changes such as retrofit programmes and other non-price policies have gained little research attention, mainly because of the lack of adequate data (Millock and Nauges
2010). Australia, a country in great danger of water scarcity, is the leader in the implementation of residential non-price water efficiency programmes (Lindsay et al.
2017). Even in the case of Australian research, the publicly available information about achieved water savings is limited. In most instances, research relies on engineering assumptions of the expected demand reductions (Kenney et al.
2008). Furthermore, there is no thorough and robust evaluation framework for water conservation programmes yet and as Jorgensen et al. (
2009) point out, the theoretical underpinnings of evaluation attempts are mainly adopted from theories of environmental and consumer behaviour developed in non-water contexts such as household energy conservation and consumption of private goods.
Renwick and Green (
2000) show that stringent mandatory non-price efforts were more successful in reducing residential demand than voluntary measures in urban California; but further research is needed to study the impact of each single demand reduction initiative on overall demand reduction. Kenney et al. (
2008) showed that water saving devices installed in homes in Colorado reduced consumption by 10%. In California, Renwick and Archibald (
1998) used a six year panel dataset to assess the influence of different demand side management policies. Water allocation reduced consumption by 28.2% while irrigation restrictions reduced it by 16%. The authors suggest that to achieve the required demand decrease efficiently, regional demand should be disaggregated based on the specific characteristics of a community. Mayer et al. (
2003) explored the relationship between retrofit programmes and indoor water demand and concluded that the biggest potential for water conservation resulted from the retrofit of toilets and washing machines. Showing similar results, in New Mexico, Price et al. (
2014) observed large reductions in water use (controlling for weather conditions and water price) after installing low flow toilets and efficient washing machines in 43,000 and 19,000 homes in Albuquerque respectively.
Some researchers warn that ‘offsetting behaviour’ can negate conservation efforts by altering the effectiveness of a water saving devices. ‘Offsetting behaviour’ is a situation where residents know that water-conserving devices are in place and end up using more water than usual (Campbell et al.
2004). Hills et al. (
2002) revealed that voluntary participation, the awareness of being monitored and lack of representative samples negatively influences the assessment.
In Arizona, Campbell et al. (
2004) found that regulation forcing the installation of efficiency products resulted in a 3.5% demand reduction. However, in the case of free water saving kits distributed to people’s homes, demand appeared to increase, indicating a possible rebound effect. Stewart et al. (
2012) showed that although beeping shower display monitors initially reduced a shower’s duration by almost 30%, shower use returned to pre-installation levels after 4 mo.
The study of Lee et al. (
2011) is among the few ones that evaluate water savings from each water efficiency programme individually. They assessed the effectiveness of three programmes in Florida, which involved the use of efficient showers, toilets and clothes washers. Although no significant change in consumption was observed for the first year of the programme’s implementation, there were substantial savings for the second and third year (15.6% for a toilets retrofit programme). For a high efficiency washing machines programme and a high efficiency showerheads programme, savings were 14.2% and 8.2% for the second year respectively. Fyfe et al. (
2009) documented savings of between 8.5 and 12.4 KL/hh/yr. for a showerhead exchange initiative in Melbourne while Turner et al. (
2012) observed approximately the same savings for another showerhead exchange programme and savings of approximately 20 KL/hh/yr. for a toilet retrofit programme.
Tsai et al. (
2011) showed that weather-sensitive irrigation controller switches reduced the variability of water use among domestic participants, mainly via reducing demand of the highest water users. On the other hand, reduction in water use caused by rainwater harvesting could not be discerned while audits and appliance rebates programmes showed statistically significant but modest reductions in consumption.
In an experimental study in Australia, three methods for residential water conservation were trialed: instructions on how to save water in the household, descriptive norms and water end-use feedback. All measures were effective in reducing demand, even under abundant rainfall conditions (Fielding et al.
2012). However, demand returned to pre-intervention levels a year after the implementation, suggesting that long-term effectiveness of such voluntary programmes might depend on continued implementation of conservation strategies.
Polebitski and Palmer (
2010) used a 12-year panel dataset on the census tract level developing three regression models (pooled, fixed and random effects), establishing that demand within small spatial resolutions can be accurately predicted using these methods. Their research also showed that mandatory and voluntary water curtailments (without water pricing components) were effective in decreasing pcc by 27% and 12% respectively and that as income, lot size and household size increase, the effectiveness of the measures decreases.
Research by Kemmelmeier et al. (
2002) demonstrated that wealthier and educated consumers were more likely to adopt water saving habits, mainly because they could afford buying more efficient devices. Income has been used in a plethora of water conservation studies (e.g. Tinker et al.
2005; Harlan et al.
2009) pointing out that sometimes the effect of high income outweighs the effect of water conserving appliances. Thus, household conservation programmes should be best targeted to lower income homes, as they are more likely to produce much bigger savings, provided that the demand management strategies are offered free-of charge (Inman and Jeffrey
2006; Manouseli et al.
2017).
Over the past 20 years, UK water companies have embarked on several domestic water efficiency projects and trials. Anglian Water’s WEM Trial in 2007 involved free water audits and installation of water efficient devices. The participants completed a questionnaire, providing water use and demographic information. However, the 90% confidence intervals resulting from t-tests showed that there was between a 50% reduction and a 21% increase in water use - a very broad band of savings. The use of a control group was not feasible for this study. A more recent project carried out by Anglian Water, called ‘Love every drop’ which involved free household water audits and retrofits between 2013 and 2015, is reported to have saved approximately 9.9 l/hh/d (Ashton et al.
2015). Savings calculations incorporated before-after tests and control groups. Severn Trent’s (STW) Residential Efficiency trial in 2007, involved installing dual-flush conversion and cistern displacement devices and tap inserts in 717 metered properties that volunteered to participate. No control group was used; therefore, external influencing factors could not be excluded. According to Waterwise (
2010), 65% of the participating properties reduced their consumption after the trial. However, the exact proportion of demand reduction that can be attributed to the trial itself could not be accurately measured.