There is a growing body of research related to the effects of institutional-level factors on entrepreneurial activities within a country (Bruton et al.
2010; De Clercq et al.
2013), including women’s entrepreneurship (Welter et al.
2014). As noted by Baughn et al. (
2006: 688), “institutions provide the rules of the game, and define actors’ available modes of action—constraining or empowering certain types of behavior”. The institutional context in a specific country entails both formal components, e.g., laws and formal regulations, and informal components, e.g., conventions and norms of behavior (North
1990). Similarly, Scott (2007) distinguishes between regulative and normative pillars of institutions. While the regulative pillar comprises formal laws and governmental regulations and policies, the normative pillar refers to sets of expectations, within a certain context, of what constitutes appropriate behavior, such as social norms, values, and guidelines for behavior (Roberts and Greenwood
1997).
However, much less research attention has been devoted to what drives mothers to become entrepreneurs in institutional contexts, such as Sweden, where there are formal institutional arrangements that reduce work-family conflicts. In these contexts, mothers do not need to opt for entrepreneurship and start their own businesses as a fallback employment strategy, or plan B. Sweden is characterized as a welfare regime with an extensive family policy system (Boje and Ejrnæs
2012). The State takes responsibility for children and the elderly, providing publicly subsidized childcare centers, public schools, and universities; paid parental leave for either parent on equal terms (up to 480 days); and “the statutory right to stay home from work (also paid) with sick children for either parents—all financed through the tax system” (Ahl and Nelson
2015: 3). Also, until a child reaches the age of 8 years, parents have the statutory right to reduce their working time, although there is no payment for the reduced hours.
2.1 A mainstream view of gender inequality within households
The predominant perspective in the research on women’s entrepreneurship considers gender inequality within households as a persistent feature of most institutional contexts. This feature persists because informal institutions are subject to strong inertia (North
1990). The central premise is that even though the fast-changing world outside the home has moved towards greater gender equality, the roles of men and women inside the home have changed relatively little (Calasanti and Bailey
1991; Skolnick
2009). Throughout the world, women continue to perform “the lion’s share of unpaid caring work” (Ahl and Nelson
2015:3), and domestic work and obligations, including child care, “fall disproportionately to women, even if women work equal or longer hours than their male spouses” (Baughn et al.
2006: 689).
The above observations are supported by sociological studies showing that when men and women become parents, they tend to resort to more traditional gender roles within the household (Dribe and Stanfors
2009). Lappegard (
2008: 158) study of parental leave in the Nordic countries indicates that “since the common parental leave period is today considered more of a mother’s right, fathers are faced with more obstacles to taking more leave”. Additional research from Sweden shows that a father might not use a large share of parental leave because “he has to weigh the possible negative reactions from workmates, supervisors, and the employer against the amount of parental leave he wishes to take” (Sundström and Duvander
2002: 443).
Thus, in making career choices, mothers of young children need to take into account how to best balance their domestic and economic obligations (Jennings and McDougald
2007). In institutional contexts with formal arrangements that support work-family balance, having wage employment provides mothers with the best conditions for simultaneously managing such domestic and economic obligations. Indeed, the benefits of arrangements such as paid parental leave are connected to wage employment and cannot be entirely realized by mothers starting their own businesses.
Under these premises, in institutional contexts with a formal family policy system, women are pushed to start businesses mainly because they are unemployed or because they face unfavorable conditions in the labor market (Thébaud
2015), such as those experienced by immigrants who encounter more labor market obstacles than nonimmigrants due to a lack of language skills and local networks (Evans
1989). This perspective in the entrepreneurship literature is also supported by the sociological literature on the so-called welfare state paradox (Mandel and Semyonov
2006). This literature holds that by allowing reduced working hours and long parental leaves, extensive family policies contribute to preserving gender inequality within families, as they allow women to maintain their traditional role as primary nurturer and caregiver in the family. Moreover, it is argued that extensive family policies might even increase employers’ discrimination against mothers, making it more difficult for mothers to find wage employment because such policies render “mothers less attractive to employers who prefer employees with an uninterrupted commitment to work” (Mun and Jung
2018: 511).
In summary, according to the mainstream view detailed above, mothers of young children in Sweden turn to entrepreneurship mainly as an economic necessity—that is, in response to unemployment and job-loss (Hughes
2003) or because they are in a position in which finding employment with full job benefits may be difficult, such as for immigrants. Thus, being unemployed and/or being an immigrant are expected to be the factors most strongly associated with entrepreneurship among mothers.
2.2 An alternative view of gender inequality within households
Another less visible perspective does not consider gender inequality within families as a persistent feature of most institutional contexts. Building on the assumption that institutions can change, the essence of this perspective is that formal institutional arrangements—such as extensive family-oriented policies—may contribute (at least in part) to changing informal institutions, such as traditional expectations regarding the division of responsibilities and roles between men and women within the household (Neergaard and Thrane
2011). Specifically, as supportive family policies have increased women’s participation in the labor market (Schultz
1990), they have also enhanced women’s independence and contributed to challenging traditional gender inequality within the household (Craig and Mullan
2011; Haas
1992; Hobson
1990; Hook
2010). In more detail, the sociological literature—e.g., gender and welfare state theories—holds that the national context and in particular welfare policies have influenced normative gender expectations about behavior, especially within the household (Hook
2010). McDonald (
2000) describes this process as the ‘gender revolution’. During the first part of this process, women enter the public sphere of education and employment with the help of policies (e.g., parental leave) that make women’s employment and a dual breadwinner system the norm. During the second part of the process, men enter the private sphere and share “responsibility for the care of children equally with their female partners (just as women increasingly share the provider role)” (Bernhardt et al.
2008: 278).
Research has, for example, shown that “men who earn approximately the same income as their spouses perform more housework than men who are primary breadwinners” (Thébaud
2010: 332) and has discussed the “increasing convergence of sex roles” (Coverman and Sheley
1986). This type of household resembles what Giddens (
2005) calls the “democratic family”, in which there are no fixed norms regarding who should do what. Key family issues are subject to negotiation and joint decision-making between the parents (Ahlberg et al.
2008), and normative expectations are characterized by “double emancipation”—women can be workers as well as carers, and men can be carers as well as workers (Klinth
2002a,
b). The dual-breadwinner/dual-career model of countries such as Sweden is reflected in a new image of fatherhood (Dribe and Stanfors
2009; Jensen
2000). Paternity leave becomes particularly important because “it makes fathers available for time-inflexible housework and childcare, enabling mothers to return to the workforce sooner or invest in their career” (Patnaik
2015: 9). Research also shows that men who report bearing more responsibility and performing more hours of childcare at home also reported taking more parental leave (Haas and Hwang 2008).
Under these premises, in institutional contexts with an extensive family policy system, such as Sweden, mothers can be expected to make career choices by negotiating with their partners who will make use of the parental benefits offered by the government (e.g., paid parental leave) and take responsibility for childcare. Hence, entrepreneurship is not necessarily a fallback strategy but may reflect the pursuit of an opportunity facilitated by the egalitarian trend within the family context (Brush and Hisrich
1991). Baughn et al. (
2006: 692) discuss pull factors contributing to entrepreneurship by mothers, suggesting that “entrepreneurship may be more attractive relative to wage/salary employment in societies characterized by higher levels of gender equality”.
In summary, according to this perspective, the amount of paternity leave taken by fathers is expected to be the factor most strongly associated with entrepreneurship by mothers in Sweden.
2.3 Women’s entrepreneurship in Sweden in an institutional context
Women’s business ownership in Sweden has always been a reflection of formal, regulative institutions, and market conditions. Before 1846, women could not own a business. At that time, widows and divorced or unmarried women were allowed to engage in petty trade to support themselves. Married women could control their own income in 1874, and single women became major at age 21 in 1884, but it took until 1921 before married women became major and women could vote. However, women’s business ownership then increased rapidly. Women’s share of business ownership was 27% in the 1930s and 1940s (Lundström
1996). In Sweden, the mom-and-pop store was a mom store—women had milk, bread, and delicatessen shops, laundries, and mangling services. The 1950s and 1960s saw the rapid rationalization of retail, and many small shops were closed. Female labor was instead absorbed by the rapidly expanding manufacturing industry but even more so by the growing public sector in the late 1960s and 1970s. Small business ownership declined overall, and women’s ownership declined in particular—their share of business ownership decreased to approximately 15% in 1972. However, as small businesses took an upward turn after the oil crisis in 1973, women’s share of businesses rose again, particularly in the growing service sector—by 1990, it was over 30% (Svanlund
2011). The 1990s saw another economic crisis, which was cured by drastic cuts in the public sector and the privatization of formerly government-owned operations in care, health care, and education, accompanied by government policy and programs to stimulate women to start businesses in these areas (Berglund et al.
2018). In 2016, women’s share of business ownership had risen to 38%. Most of these businesses were in personal or cultural services (33%), business services (21%), retail (9%), care (7%), and farming (7%) (SCB
2018).
Women’s participation in the labor force has been, and is, substantial in Sweden. In 2017, the figure for women aged 20–64 was 85%, and it was 89% for men (SCB
2018). The gender pay gap has slowly diminished over the years—the weighted gap, which controls for age, educational background, full-time/part-time, sector, and occupational group, was 5% in 2016, and the unweighted pay gap was 12% (SCB
2018). A dual breadwinner system is both the norm and a necessity.
Women’s high labor market participation was made possible by several policy reforms. An important reform was the introduction of separate taxation in 1974. Before then, it sometimes did not pay for a married woman to work—her income, which was added to her husband’s when doing the tax return, was consumed by a very high marginal tax rate. The family policy also changed. Beginning in the 1970s, public, universal daycare and preschools, as well as world-renowned academic education for preschool teachers, were established. Today, every child aged 1 has the statutory right to subsidized daycare and preschool that is affordable for everyone.
In 1974, paid parental leave that could be divided between the mother and the father as they wished replaced the former system of maternity leave. However, due to entrenched gender roles and resistance from employers, fathers’ uptake of this leave was initially negligible. To stimulate more fathers to take parental leave, 30 days were earmarked for them in 1995, 60 days were earmarked in 2002, and 90 (of a total of 480) days were earmarked in 2016. The idea is that if legislation and economic incentives change, the attitudinal change will follow. In 2017, fathers used 28% of all parental leave days, so the policy seems to have worked, albeit slowly. The 480 days can be allocated as parents wish during the first 8 years of a child’s life, and fathers tend to take parental leave more often when the child is a little older (SCB
2018). Parents also have the statutory right to stay home from work with a sick child, while receiving pay, for a maximum of 60 days per year. Men took 38% of such days in 2017 (SCB
2018).
Time studies show that Swedish cohabiting women perform approximately 55% of unpaid work, including housework, dependent care, maintenance, shopping, and commuting for work, but cohabiting parents of small children spend much more
time on unpaid work than others: 39 h per week for women and 32 h per week for men compared to 26 and 21 h per week, respectively, for all parents (SCB
2018).
All in all, Sweden has a number of formal institutions that make employment the norm for women. It should be mentioned that remuneration in the parental leave system is tied to one’s income from employment. The parental leave remuneration for the first 390 days is 80% of one’s salary, with a salary cap of SEK 465,000 (approximately USD 50,000). Many employers pay the difference between 80% and 90%, irrespective of income level, i.e. without a cap, so parental leave remuneration covers a substantial part of one’s salary, even for those individuals who are well-paid. A person must have been employed approximately 8 months continuously before the birth of the child to obtain this remuneration. One cannot work when one takes parental leave days. Therefore, combining business ownership with parental leave is more difficult—one must leave the business to someone else to run if taking parental leave. However, there is also some evidence that formal institutions established in Sweden might contribute to altering informal institutions, such as the gender system within the household, in a comparatively egalitarian direction in which men and women share housework and men take parental leave days.
These circumstances make Sweden the ideal context for exploring the two aforementioned views of the intersection of entrepreneurship and motherhood: the “mainstream” view and an “alternative” view.