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2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

9. Immigration Federalism, Multinational States and Subnational Communities: Comparing Flanders and Quebec

verfasst von : Catherine Xhardez

Erschienen in: Federalism and National Diversity in the 21st Century

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter compares the dynamics of international migration in two multinational federations—Belgium and Canada—with an eye to highlighting arguments in favour and against ‘immigration federalism’ in two subnational communities: Flanders and Quebec. In brief, the chapter’s comparison shows that Flemish and Québécois political elites have deployed different approaches to using immigrant integration regulation as a way of strengthening their respective claims for recognising cultural and linguistic diversity along national lines as well as for influencing the balance of power between subnational and national jurisdictions.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Internal Migration in Asian Multinational Countries: Attitudes, Challenges and Institutions

Nächstes Kapitel Relative Deprivation and Perceived Discrimination Among Quebec’s English-Speaking Minority Communities: ‘Second-Class Citizens’ in a Multi-national Context?

The adjective ‘subnational’ refers to the multilevel structure of the state and to the fact that entities exist below the state (national/federal) level. However, it does not imply a particular inferiority or a hierarchy between the governance levels (Barker 2015, 11).

In Quebec, the Parti Québécois has long been the source of nationalist political mobilisation within the province, while the Bloc Québécois has served this function in the federal political arena. In Flanders, the mantle of nationalist political mobilisation has fallen to different political parties over the years: Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest), Volksunie (People’s Union) and Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (New Flemish Alliance). Furthermore, in both cases, national mobilisation has been based on a sense of cultural insecurity, historical grievances and a quest for language recognition (Erk 2002).

In multinational societies where subnational communities (SNCs) seek greater autonomy or are marked by nationalist mobilisation (Keating 1996, 2001; Guibernau 1999), immigration might be considered either a threat or an opportunity because the arrival of newcomers may alter the composition of multinational federations and disturb the balance of power between minority national and majority national communities (Carens 1995; Kymlicka 2001; Gagnon and Iacovino 2007; Zapata-Barrero 2009). For example, immigration might increase the relative demographic strength of the subnational community vis-à-vis the national majority community; yet, it might also weaken the subnational community’s cultural or linguistic cohesion. In the literature, scholars have referred to this situation as a ‘dilemma’ (Barker 2015; Xhardez 2017) or a ‘legitimation paradox’ (Adam 2013a; Jeram et al. 2016). Consequently, immigration and immigrant integration are key areas for SNCs that seek to control their destinies (Kymlicka 2001; Barker 2015). The ‘dilemma’ generated by the arrival of newcomers in the two SNCs under examination in this chapter is, to some degree, rooted in a fear that immigrants would rather join ‘the culturally more dominant side (Anglophone in Canada, Francophones in Belgium)’ (Erk 2014, 226).

To be clear, there are also important differences between the cases. For example, the electoral regimes of the SNCs differ: Flanders has a proportional representation system (Deschouwer 2012) while Quebec has a first-past-the-post electoral system (Blais 2008). There is also a difference in jurisdictional competence with regard to immigration: Quebec has its own devolved immigration policy whereas Flanders only has control over immigrant integration policies. Both SNCs also differ in terms of their demographic weight within their respective federation; Flanders represents a state-wide demographic majority (Swenden 2014, 245) whereas Quebec constitutes a demographic minority in Canada. These differences and their consequences on the immigration federalism debate are further discussed in this chapter’s conclusion.

The original decree (regional law) regulating civic integration in Flanders was passed in 2003 and implemented in 2004, amended several times (2006, 2008 and 2009) and finally replaced by a new decree in 2013. Decreet van 28 februari 2003 betreffende het Vlaamse inburgeringsbeleid; Decreet van 7 juni 2013 betreffende het Vlaamse integratie- en inburgeringsbeleid.

Focusing on political actors’ arguments, computer-aided qualitative data analysis software (Atlas.ti) allowed for the consistent analysis of large amounts of texts, coding various quotations and developing networks of quotations (Kelle et al. 1995). While this method is exploratory and inherently contains a subjectivity factor (Gerring 2017, 20), the chapter includes a large number of quotations to illustrate and justify this analysis.

Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, S.C. 2001, c. 27.

Loi no. 75 créant un Ministère de l’Immigration du Québec (Assentiment royal 04.12.1968)/Bill 75 creating a Quebec Ministry of Immigration (Royal Assent 4.12.1968).

The 1991 Agreement is also known as the Gagnon-Tremblay/McDougall Accord.

While the admission of refugees after an asylum claim is decided by the federal government, the province is responsible for the admission of government-assisted refugees and privately sponsored refugees. Quebec is the only Canadian province to have a prerogative regarding the selection of resettled refugees (Garnier 2018, 120).

The Belgian case also differs from the Canadian case in that immigration policies are strongly influenced and constrained by European or international law, for example regarding family reunification or asylum (Carlier 2010).

Ilke Adam identifies substate nationalism as a key variable that can explain these policy developments (Adam 2013b). Historically, compared to the other Belgian subnational entities in charge of immigrant integration, Flanders (through the Flemish Community) has developed more policy instruments, has devoted more budgetary means and has had more centralised integration policies (Adam et al. 2018).

All translations are mine. Monique Gagnon-Tremblay (PLQ), June 11, 2003, Assemblée nationale, vol. 38, no. 5.

Fatima Houda-Pepin (PLQ), May 8, 2001, Commission culture, vol. 37, no. 7.

Yvan Bordeleau (PLQ), June 10, 2002, Assemblée nationale, vol. 38, no. 4; Kathleen Weil (PLQ), April 20, 2011, Commission des relations avec les citoyens, vol. 42, no. 8.

François Beaulne (PQ), April 21, 1999, Commission de la culture, vol. 36, no. 4.

Joseph Facal (PQ), May 8, 2001, Commission de la culture, vol. 37, no. 7.

Emilien Pelletier (PQ), February 11, 2003, Commission des relations avec les citoyens, vol. 43, no. 2.

Martin Lemay (PQ), September 18, 2007, Commission de la culture, vol. 40, no. 7.

Lucie Papineau (PQ), April 6, 2004, Assemblée nationale, vol. 35, no. 58; Martin Lemay (PQ), June 8, 2007, Commission de la culture, vol. 40, no. 3.

Martin Lemay (PQ), October 11, 2007, Commission de la culture, vol. 40, no. 14.

Robert Perreault (PQ), September 13, 2000, Commission de la culture, vol. 36, no. 43; Louise Harel (PQ), May 15, 2007, Assemblée nationale, vol. 40, no. 4.

Maka Kotto (PQ), February 9, 2011, Assemblée nationale, vol. 41, no. 170; see also: February 10, 2011, Assemblée nationale, vol. 41, no. 171; April 20, 2011, Commission des relations avec les citoyens, vol. 42, no. 8; May 3, 2011, Commission des institutions, vol. 42, no. 18.

Fatima Houda-Pepin (PLQ), May 8, 2001, Commission de la culture, vol. 37, no. 7.

Yvan Bordeleau (PLQ), November 14, 2001, Assemblée nationale, vol. 37, no. 56.

Benoît Pelletier (PLQ), November 14, 2001, Assemblée nationale, vol. 37, no. 56.

Pierre Marsan (PLQ), November 7, 2007, Assemblée nationale, vol. 40, no. 36; Kathleen Weil (PLQ), February 9, 2011, Assemblée nationale, vol. 41, no. 170; February 4, 2012, Assemblée nationale, vol. 42, no. 92.

See for example: November 14, 2001, Assemblée nationale, vol. 37, no. 56; July 9, 2003, Commission de la culture, vol. 38, no. 5; May 27, 2004, Assemblée nationale, vol. 38, no. 78.

André Denys (VLD), January 28, 2003, Commissie voor Welzijn, Volksgezondheid en Gelijke Kansen, 1129-7; see also: Marino Keulen (VLD), December 6, 2004, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, 15–7.

Marino Keulen (VLD), March 16, 2006, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, C180-WON14; December 6, 2004, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, 15–7.

Chokri Mahassine (sp.a), February 23, 2005, Vlaams Parlement, 84.

Cathy Berx (CD&V), December 19, 2006, Vlaams Parlement, 14, 15, 965, 1030.

Marijke Dillen (VB), January 28, 2003, Commissie voor Welzijn, Volksgezondheid en Gelijke Kansen, 1129–7.

Filip Dewinter (VB), October 6, 2009, Commissie voor bestuurszaken, binnenlands bestuur, decreetsevaluatie, inburgering en tourism, C4-BIN1.

Joris Van Hauthem (VB), March 16, 2010, Commissie voor bestuurszaken, binnenlands bestuur, decreetsevaluatie, inburgering en tourism, C159-BIN13; see also for example Rob Verreycken (VB), December 6, 2004, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, 15–7; Win Van Dijck (VB), June 28, 2006, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, 850–8; Filip Dewinter (VB), June 30, 2010, Vlaams Parlement, 350.

Rob Verreycken (VB), December 6, 2004, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, 15–7.

Boudewijn Bouckaert (LDD), June 30, 2010, Vlaams Parlement, 350.

Kris Van Dijck (VU-N-VA), February 12, 2003, Vlaams Parlement, 21.

In Dutch, “dansen op één been”; see, for example: Bart De Wever (N-VA), June 2, 2005, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, C225-WON18; March 16, 2006, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, C180-WON14.

In Dutch, “lopen op één been”; Bart De Wever (N-VA), December 6, 2004, Commissie voor wonen, stedelijk beleid, inburgering en gelijke kansen, 15–7.

Geert Bourgeois (N-VA), June 30, 2010, Vlaams Parlement, 350 (2009–2010); see also: March 16, 2010, Commissie voor bestuurszaken, binnenlands bestuur, decreetsevaluatie, inburgering en tourism, C159-BIN13; March 30, 2010, Commissie voor bestuurszaken, binnenlands bestuur, decreetsevaluatie, inburgering en tourism, C81-BIN14.

In Dutch, the idiom used is ‘we weten dat Vlaanderen niet aan alle knoppen draait’; Geert Bourgeois (N-VA), February 25, 2014, Commissie voor bestuurszaken, binnenlands bestuur, decreetsevaluatie, inburgering en tourism, COM140-BIN9, October 16, 2013, Commissie voor Brussel en de Vlaamse Rand, COM28-BRU2.

In the ‘center-periphery’ cleavage—initially framed by Stein Rokkan (1970/2009)—the ‘center’ represents the (central) state while the ‘periphery’ refers to the subnational community. In the context of party mobilisation, it opposes political parties advocating and mobilising for the ‘periphery’ to others (see Hepburn 2009).

See the most recent attempt at the House of Commons of Canada: Bill C-421, An Act to amend the Citizenship Act (adequate knowledge of French in Quebec), introduced by Mario Beaulieu (first reading, November 1, 2018).

Theo Francken, a senior figure in the Flemish Nationalist party N-VA, was the state secretary for asylum and migration. However, the N-VA finally withdrew its support of the country’s government coalition in December 2018 as the Nationalists refused to support the United Nations’ Migration Pact which was going to be endorsed by the Belgian state, provoking the fall of the federal government.

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Titel: Immigration Federalism, Multinational States and Subnational Communities: Comparing Flanders and Quebec
verfasst von: Catherine Xhardez
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Buch: Federalism and National Diversity in the 21st Century
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-38418-0

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-38419-7

Copyright-Jahr: 2020
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38419-7_9