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2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

1. Introduction

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Abstract

The book contributes to close a research gap in the triangular relationship between (1) the political and social theories of order with (2) the discipline of IR and (3) postfoundational thought regarding the question of global normative orders, that is, for the puzzle concerning theories of global order, on the one side, and for the puzzle of the nexus between difference and foundation of global order(s), on the other side. The academic literature has been restricted to the critique and analysis of each field separately. Or, at the most, it has set focus on the reconceptualization of categories and ontological assumptions within the scope of two of the three research areas. IR theory has been criticized for the lack of engagement with its basic social concepts and theoretical and ontological foundations. Political theory has been confronted by an appeal to actualize its primary assumptions through the engagement with alternative perspectives such as postfoundationalism. But what constitutes a persisting gap in research on global politics and global social relations is an analysis of the implications of a postfoundational political ontology for conceptualizing global normative orders and identity.

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Fußnoten
1
See, for example, Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1979); and Robert O. Keohane, After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). While the dominance of structuralist thought was waning in Europe in the 1980s, North American IR theorists proclaimed their “structuralist turn,” including Kenneth Waltz and Robert Keohane, among others, and thereby framed the discourse of a generation of graduate students in the discipline. See Richard K. Ashley, “The Poverty of Neorealism,” International Organization 38, no. 2 (1984): 226f. On the argument that the field of IR was and may still be dominated by scholars from North America and the respective rationalist and positivist mainstream, see Stanley Hoffmann, “An American Social Science: International Relations,” Daedalus 106, no. 3 (1977): 41–60; Steve Smith, “The Discipline of International Relations: Still an American Social Science?,” The British Journal of Politics & International Relations 2, no. 3 (2000): 374–402, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1111/​1467-856X.​00042.
 
2
Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002); Tim Dunne, “The English School,” in The Oxford Handbook of International Relations, ed. Christian Reus-Smit and Duncan Snidal (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 267–85.
 
3
Andrew Hurrell, On Global Order: Power, Values, and the Constitution of International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 1.
 
4
See case studies from different contexts of order in Keebet Benda-Beckmann and Fernanda Pirie, eds., Order and Disorder: Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007).
 
5
James Der Derian, “War,” in The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, ed. Michael T. Gibbons, Online Edition (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015), 6, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1002/​9781118474396.​wbept1037. Der Derian concludes that “as violence phase-shifts at light speed from states to substates, local to global, public to private, organized to chaotic, virtual to real - and back again - the words and numbers as well as futures attached to wars have become superannuated by a wholly new phenomenon: what might be called ‘quantum war.’”
 
6
See Waltz’s levels of analysis for studying international relations in his 1959 book: Kenneth N. Waltz, Man, the State and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001).
 
7
Such as calls for a paradigm shift in “the fundamental principle of governance at all possible (and not just state) levels across the globe, especially in view of widening and deepening resistance by social movements, based on a cosmopolitan vision of a global civil society.” Sanjay Chaturvedi and Joe Painter, “Whose World, Whose Order? Spatiality, Geopolitics and the Limits of the World Order Concept,” Cooperation and Conflict 42, no. 4 (January 2007): 375, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0010836707082646​.
 
8
N.J. Rengger, International Relations, Political Theory and the Problem of Order: Beyond International Relations Theory? (London: Routledge, 2000), 24 and part II; See, for example, Robert W. Cox, Approaches to World Order, ed. Timothy J. Sinclair (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Judith Ann Tickner, Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992); James Der Derian and Michael J. Shapiro, eds., International/Intertextual Relations: Postmodern Readings of World Politics (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1989); R.B.J. Walker, Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Richard K. Ashley, “The Achievements of Post-Structuralism,” in International Theory: Positivism and Beyond, ed. Steve Smith, Ken Booth, and Marysia Zalewski (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 240–53.
 
9
This desideratum also follows Andrew Hurrell’s assessment of Bull’s contribution to the study of international order, see Andrew Hurrell, “Foreword to the Fourth Edition,” in The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics, by Hedley Bull (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), xxiv–xxv.
 
10
See, for example, Richard N. Haass, A World in Disarray: American Foreign Policy and the Crisis of the Old Order (New York: Penguin Books, 2018); Richard N. Haass, “World Order 2.0: The Case For Sovereign Obligation,” Foreign Affairs 96, no. 1 (2017): 2–9; Jeff D. Colgan and Robert O. Keohane, “The Liberal Order Is Rigged,” Foreign Affairs 96, no. 1 (2017): 36–44; G. John Ikenberry and Inderjeet Parmar, “Introduction: Ordering the World? Liberal Internationalism in Theory and Practice,” International Affairs 94, no. 1 (2018): 1–5; G. John Ikenberry, “The End of Liberal International Order?,” International Affairs 94, no. 1 (2018): 7–23; Constance Duncombe and Tim Dunne, “After Liberal World Order,” International Affairs 94, no. 1 (2018): 25–42, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1093/​ia/​iix234; Doug Stokes, “Trump, American Hegemony and the Future of the Liberal International Order,” International Affairs 94, no. 1 (2018): 133–50; Amitav Acharya, “Norm Subsidiarity and Regional Orders: Sovereignty, Regionalism, and Rule-Making in the Third World,” International Studies Quarterly 55, no. 1 (2011): 95–123, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1111/​j.​1468-2478.​2010.​00637.​x; Gunther Hellmann, ed., Theorizing Global Order: The International, Culture and Governance (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2018); Stacie E. Goddard, “Embedded Revisionism: Networks, Institutions, and Challenges to World Order,” International Organization 72, no. 4 (2018): 1–35, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1017/​s002081831800020​6.
 
11
Robin Celikates, “Die Demokratisierung der Demokratie: Etienne Balibar über die Dialektik von konstituierender und konstituierter Macht,” in Das Politische denken: Zeitgenössische Positionen, ed. Ulrich Bröckling and Robert Feustel, 2nd ed. (Bielefeld: transcript, 2010), 59–76.
 
12
Formerly represented by the superpowers USA and USSR. Amitav Acharya, “The Periphery as the Core: The Third World and Security Studies,” in Critical Security Studies. Concepts and Cases, ed. Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), 317.
 
13
For a concise introduction to the main dimensions of economic, political, cultural, and ecological globalization as well as on the key concepts of globality, globalization, globalism, and global imaginary, see Manfred B. Steger, “Globalization,” in The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, ed. Michael T. Gibbons, Online Edition (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015), https://​doi.​org/​10.​1002/​9781118474396.​wbept0423. For a detailed introduction to political globalization, its structures, processes, issues, and future, see John Baylis, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens, eds., The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).
 
14
Haass, A World in Disarray; Haass, “World Order 2.0: The Case For Sovereign Obligation.”
 
15
Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture, reprint (London: Routledge, 1994), 7; Albert J. Paolini, Navigating Modernity, ed. Anthony Elliott and Anthony Moran (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999), 83.
 
16
Steger, “Globalization,” 4.
 
17
Chris Rumford, The Globalization of Strangeness (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), particularly the section “What do we mean by globalization?” in the introduction.
 
18
For example, Ulrich Beck, Power in the Global Age: A New Global Political Economy, trans. Kathleen Cross (Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2005); Ulrich Beck, “The Cosmopolitan Perspective: Sociology of the Second Age of Modernity,” The British Journal of Sociology 51, no. 1 (2000): 79–105.
 
19
For example, James N. Rosenau and Ernst-Otto Czempiel, eds., Governance without Government: Order and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Gunnar Folke Schuppert, ed., Global Governance and the Role of Non-State Actors (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2006).
 
20
For example, Colgan and Keohane, “The Liberal Order Is Rigged”; Duncombe and Dunne, “After Liberal World Order.”
 
21
Arlene Tickner, “Seeing IR Differently: Notes from the Third World,” MillenniumJournal of International Studies 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 310, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0305829803032002​0301.
 
22
This scientistic notion of theory development in IR is particularly strong in: Waltz, Theory of International Politics; Waltz, Man, the State and War.
 
23
Chris Rossdale, “Enclosing Critique: The Limits of Ontological Security,” International Political Sociology, November 1, 2015, 3, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1111/​ips.​12103.
 
24
Gunther Hellmann, “Theorizing Global Order: A Brief Introduction,” in Theorizing Global Order: The International, Culture and Governance, ed. Gunther Hellmann (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2018), 7.
 
25
Michael Hechter and Christine Horne, eds., Theories of Social Order: A Reader, 2nd, rev. ed. (Stanford: Stanford Social Sciences, 2009), 1; Dennis H. Wrong, The Problem of Order: What Unites and Divides Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995), 1–4.
 
26
Rengger, International Relations, Political Theory and the Problem of Order, 6f; Norman E. Bowie and Robert L. Simon, The Individual and the Political Order: An Introduction to Social and Political Philosophy, 4th ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008).
 
27
Jens Bartelson, Visions of World Community (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 42, 139; Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan. Or, The Matter, Forme, & Power of a Common-Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civill, ed. Ian Shapiro (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010); John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett, reprint (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
 
28
Rengger, International Relations, Political Theory and the Problem of Order, 10–12.
 
29
Rengger, 11, 23.
 
30
Rengger, 22–23 and part I.
 
31
Bartelson, Visions of World Community, 3, 5.
 
32
See, for example, Beck, “The Cosmopolitan Perspective: Sociology of the Second Age of Modernity”; Richard Shapcott, “Beyond the Cosmopolitan/Communitarian Divide: Justice, Difference and Community in International Relations,” in Value Pluralism, Normative Theory, and International Relations, ed. Maria Lensu and Jan-Stefan Fritz (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); Winfried Thaa, “‘Lean Citizenship’: The Fading Away of the Political in Transnational Democracy,” European Journal of International Relations 7, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 503–23, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​1354066101007004​005.
 
33
See, for example, Jovan Babić and Petar Bojanić, eds., World Governance: Do We Need It, Is It Possible, What Could It (All) Mean? (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010).
 
34
Bartelson, Visions of World Community, 20.
 
35
For examples, see Gideon Baker and Jens Bartelson, eds., The Future of Political Community (London: Routledge, 2009); For the concepts of multitude and empire, and the possibility to forge a democratic alternative to the present world order, see Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (New York: Penguin Books, 2005); Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016).
 
36
Rengger, International Relations, Political Theory and the Problem of Order, 24 and chapter 4.
 
37
Rengger, 24 and chapter 5.
 
38
Nathan Widder, “Difference,” in The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, ed. Michael T. Gibbons, Online Edition (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015), https://​doi.​org/​10.​1002/​9781118474396.​wbept0273.
 
39
See, for example, William E. Connolly, “Essentially Contested Concepts in Politics,” in The Terms of Political Discourse, by William E. Connolly, 3rd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 9–44.
 
40
Wrong, The Problem of Order.
 
41
Wrong, 4.
 
42
Andreas Anter, Die Macht der Ordnung: Aspekte einer Grundkategorie des Politischen (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 1–3; citing Hermann Heller, “Der Sinn der Politik,” in Orientierung und Entscheidung: Abt. 1, Politische Ideenkreise; Abt. 2, Sozialistische Entscheidung; Abt. 3, Demokratische Bildung, ed. Martin Drath and Christoph Müller, 2nd ed., Gesammelte Schriften 1 (Tübingen: Mohr, 1992), 433.
 
43
Michael Hechter and Christine Horne, eds., Theories of Social Order: A Reader (Stanford: Stanford Social Sciences, 2003); Hechter and Horne, Theories of Social Order (2).
 
44
Matthias Riedl, “Order,” in The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, ed. Michael T. Gibbons, Online Edition (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015), https://​doi.​org/​10.​1002/​9781118474396.​wbept0729.
 
45
Rengger, International Relations, Political Theory and the Problem of Order, 21f.
 
46
Jörg Spieker, “International Relations Theory,” in The Encyclopedia of Political Thought, ed. Michael T. Gibbons, Online Edition (Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015), https://​doi.​org/​10.​1002/​9781118474396.​wbept0528.
 
47
Rengger, International Relations, Political Theory and the Problem of Order.
 
48
Eva Herschinger, “Hegemonie und Identität: Ernesto Laclaus Werk in den Internationalen Beziehungen,” in Ordnungen des Politischen: Einsätze und Wirkungen der Hegemonietheorie Ernesto Laclaus, ed. Oliver Marchart (Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2017), 129.
 
49
Hans Joachim Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, ed. Kenneth W. Thompson and W. David Clinton, 7th ed. (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2006).
 
50
Waltz, Theory of International Politics.
 
51
Keohane, After Hegemony; Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence, 3rd ed. (New York: Longman, 2001).
 
52
Andrew Linklater and Hidemi Suganami, The English School and International Relations: A Contemporary Reassessment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Barry Buzan, From International to World Society? English School Theory and the Social Structure of Globalization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
 
53
Bull, The Anarchical Society.
 
54
Hurrell, “Foreword to Anarchical Society,” xxiv.
 
55
Hurrell, On Global Order, 19f, chapter 12.
 
56
Bartelson, Visions of World Community; Jens Bartelson, “Towards a Genealogy of ‘Society’ in International Relations,” Review of International Studies 41, no. 4 (2015): 675–92, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1017/​S026021051500019​4.
 
57
Jens Bartelson, “The Social Construction of Globality,” International Political Sociology 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 219–35, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1111/​j.​1749-5687.​2010.​00102.​x.
 
58
Jens Bartelson, “Is There a Global Society?,” International Political Sociology 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 112–15, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1111/​j.​1749-5687.​2008.​00066_​3.​x.
 
59
Robert W. Cox, “Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory,” MillenniumJournal of International Studies 10, no. 2 (1981): 126–55, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0305829881010002​0501; Jenny Edkins and Maja Zehfuss, “Introduction,” in Global Politics: A New Introduction, ed. Jenny Edkins and Maja Zehfuss, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2014), 14.
 
60
Cox, “Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory,” 129.
 
61
Jonathan Spencer, “Anthropological Order and Political Disorder,” in Order and Disorder: Anthropological Perspectives, ed. Keebet Benda-Beckmann and Fernanda Pirie (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 150–65.
 
62
Spencer, 151, 164.
 
63
Spieker, “International Relations Theory,” 2.
 
64
Spieker, 7; John Gerard Ruggie, Constructing the World Polity: Essays on International Institutionalization (London: Routledge, 1998); Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
 
65
Rengger, International Relations, Political Theory and the Problem of Order, 80–92.
 
66
Cox, Approaches to World Order.
 
67
Cox, “Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory,” 130; Spieker, “International Relations Theory,” 6.
 
68
Ashley, “The Poverty of Neorealism”; Richard K. Ashley, “The Geopolitics of Geopolitical Space: Toward a Critical Social Theory of International Politics,” Alternatives 12, no. 4 (1987): 403–34; Richard K. Ashley, “Untying the Sovereign State: A Double Reading of the Anarchy Problematique,” MillenniumJournal of International Studies 17, no. 2 (1988): 227–62, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0305829888017002​0901; Richard K. Ashley, “The Powers of Anarchy: Theory, Sovereignty, and the Domestication of Global Life,” in International Theory: Critical Investigations, ed. James Der Derian (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995), 94–128; Richard K. Ashley and R.B.J. Walker, “Introduction: Speaking the Language of Exile; Dissident Thought in International Studies,” International Studies Quarterly 34, no. 3 (1990): 259–68; Richard K. Ashley and R.B.J. Walker, “Reading Dissidence/Writing the Discipline: Crisis and the Question of Sovereignty in International Studies,” International Studies Quarterly 34, no. 3 (1990): 367–416; Walker, Inside/Outside; R.B.J. Walker, After the Globe, before the World (London: Routledge, 2010); Der Derian and Shapiro, International/Intertextual Relations; Jim George, Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1994).
 
69
Spieker, “International Relations Theory,” 7; Herschinger, “Hegemonie und Identität,” 128–31.
 
70
Jenny Edkins and Nick Vaughan-Williams, eds., Critical Theorists and International Relations (London: Routledge, 2009).
 
71
See references to Foucault in Mark Bevir, “Rethinking Governmentality: Towards Genealogies of Governance,” European Journal of Social Theory 13, no. 4 (2010): 423–41; Wendy Larner and William Walters, Global Governmentality: Governing International Spaces (London: Routledge, 2004); Michael Merlingen, “Foucault and World Politics: Promises and Challenges of Extending Governmentality Theory to the European and Beyond,” MillenniumJournal of International Studies 35, no. 1 (2006): 181–96; Nicholas J. Kiersey and Doug Stokes, eds., Foucault and International Relations: New Critical Engagements (London: Routledge, 2011); See references to Foucault and Judith Butler in David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005); see references to Derrida in David Campbell and Michael J. Shapiro, Moral Spaces: Rethinking Ethics and World Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); James Der Derian, Antidiplomacy: Spies, Terror, Speed, and War (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1992); compare Herschinger, “Hegemonie und Identität,” 128–31.
 
72
Ashley, “The Poverty of Neorealism,” 228.
 
73
R.B.J. Walker, “International Relations and the Concept of the Political,” in International Relations Theory Today, ed. Ken Booth and Steve Smith (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), 306–27; R.B.J. Walker, “International Relations Theory and The Fate of The Political,” in Confronting the Political in International Relations, ed. Michi Ebata and Beverly Neufeld (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000), 212–38.
 
74
Judith Butler and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Who Sings the Nation-State? Language, Politics, Belonging (London: Seagull Books, 2007); Naeem Inayatullah and David L. Blaney, International Relations and the Problem of Difference (New York: Routledge, 2004); Michi Ebata and Beverly Neufeld, eds., Confronting the Political in International Relations (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); Christopher Hill, “What Is Left of the Domestic? A Reverse Angle View of Foreign Policy,” in Confronting the Political in International Relations, ed. Michi Ebata and Beverly Neufeld (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000), 151–84; Phillip Darby, “Pursuing the Political: A Postcolonial Rethinking of Relations International,” Millennium—Journal of International Studies 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 1–32, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0305829804033001​0101; Friedrich V. Kratochwil, “The Politics of Place and Origin: An Inquiry into the Changing Boundaries of Representation, Citizenship, and Legitimacy,” in Confronting the Political in International Relations, ed. Michi Ebata and Beverly Neufeld (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000), 185–211; Bice Maiguashca, “Theorising Politics in ‘No Man’s Land’: Feminist Theory and the Fourth Debate,” in Confronting the Political in International Relations, ed. Michi Ebata and Beverly Neufeld (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000), 123–50.
 
75
Karin M. Fierke, Changing Games, Changing Strategies. Critical Investigations in Security (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1998); Michael J. Shapiro, Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject (New York: Routledge, 2004); John Agnew, “Know-Where: Geographies of Knowledge of World Politics,” International Political Sociology 1, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 138–48, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1111/​j.​1749-5687.​2007.​00009.​x; Bradley S. Klein, Strategic Studies and World Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Herschinger, “Hegemonie und Identität,” 136.
 
76
Martin Heidegger, Sein und Zeit, ed. Friedrich-Wilhelm von Herrmann, Gesamtausgabe 2 (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1977); translated as Martin Heidegger, Being and Time, ed. Dennis J. Schmidt, trans. Joan Stambaugh (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2010); Oliver Marchart, Post-Foundational Political Thought: Political Difference in Nancy, Lefort, Badiou and Laclau (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007); Oliver Marchart, Die politische Differenz: Zum Denken des Politischen bei Nancy, Lefort, Badiou, Laclau und Agamben (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2010); Oliver Marchart, Das unmögliche Objekt: Eine postfundamentalistische Theorie der Gesellschaft (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2013).
 
77
Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe and Jean-Luc Nancy, Retreating the Political, ed. Simon Sparks (London: Routledge, 1997).
 
78
Claude Lefort, “Die Frage der Demokratie,” in Autonome Gesellschaft und libertäre Demokratie, ed. Ulrich Rödel (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1990), 281–97; Claude Lefort, Die leere Mitte: Essays 19452005 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2009).
 
79
Alain Badiou, Peut-on penser la politique? (Paris: Seuil, 1985); Alain Badiou, Being and Event, trans. Oliver Feltham (London: Continuum, 2005).
 
80
Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy, trans. Julie Rose (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).
 
81
Ernesto Laclau, Emancipation(s) (London: Verso, 1996); Ernesto Laclau, “Identity and Hegemony: The Role of Universality in the Constitution of Political Logics,” in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality. Contemporary Dialogues on the Left, ed. Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau, and Slavoj Žižek (London: Verso, 2000), 44–89; Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics, 2nd ed. (London: Verso, 2014).
 
82
Chantal Mouffe, The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993).
 
83
Alberto Rosales, Transzendenz und Differenz: Ein Beitrag zum Problem der ontologischen Differenz beim frühen Heidegger (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1970); Loy M. Vail, Heidegger and Ontological Difference (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1972); Reinhold Kühn, “Hinweise auf die ontologische Differenz bei Martin Heidegger” (Dissertation, Universität Tübingen, 1974); Wolfgang Marx, “Die ontologische Differenz in der Perspektive der regionalen Ontologie des Daseins: Ein Beitrag zur ‘Unüberwindbarkeit’ der Metaphysik,” in Nachdenken über Heidegger: Eine Bestandsaufnahme, ed. Ute Guzzoni (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1980), 176–97; Gianni Vattimo, “An-Denken: Denken und Grund,” in Nachdenken über Heidegger: Eine Bestandsaufnahme, ed. Ute Guzzoni (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1980), 287–302; Hee-Cheon Oh, Martin Heidegger: Ontologische Differenz und der Anfang des Wissens (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2001); Willem van Reijen, “Heideggers ontologische Differenz: Der fremde Unterschied in uns und die Inständigkeit im Nichts,” Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 52, no. 4 (2004): 519, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1524/​dzph.​2004.​52.​4.​519; William Richardson, Heidegger: Through Phenomenology to Thought (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1963); John Sallis, “Grounders of the Abyss,” in Companion to Heidegger’s Contributions to Philosophy, ed. Charles E. Scott et al. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), 181–97; Thomas Sheehan, “What, after All, Was Heidegger About?,” Continental Philosophy Review 47, no. 3–4 (December 1, 2014): 249–74, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1007/​s11007-014-9302-4; Thomas Sheehan, Making Sense of Heidegger: A Paradigm Shift (London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2014).
 
84
Lee Braver, Groundless Grounds: A Study of Wittgenstein and Heidegger (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2012); Lee Braver, Heidegger: Thinking of Being (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2014).
 
85
Oliver Marchart, “Politische Theorie als Erste Philosophie: Warum der ontologischen Differenz die politische Differenz zugrunde liegt,” in Das Politische und die Politik, ed. Thomas Bedorf and Kurt Röttgers (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2010), 143–58.
 
86
Thomas Bedorf and Kurt Röttgers, eds., Das Politische und die Politik (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2010).
 
87
Ulrich Bröckling and Robert Feustel, eds., Das Politische denken: Zeitgenössische Positionen, 2nd ed. (Bielefeld: transcript, 2010).
 
88
For an introduction to his theory and concepts see Ernesto Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time, trans. Jon Barnes (London: Verso, 1990); Laclau, Emancipation(s); Ernesto Laclau, The Rhetorical Foundations Of Society (London: Verso, 2014); Allan Dreyer Hansen, André Sonnichsen, and Ernesto Laclau, “Discourse, The Political and The Ontological Dimension: An Interview With Ernesto Laclau,” Distinktion: Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory 15, no. 3 (2014): 255–62, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1080/​1600910X.​2014.​941889; Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau, and Slavoj Žižek, eds., Contingency, Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left (London: Verso, 2000).
 
89
Simon Critchley and Oliver Marchart, eds., Laclau: A Critical Reader (London: Routledge, 2004).
 
90
Oliver Marchart, ed., Ordnungen des Politischen: Einsätze und Wirkungen der Hegemonietheorie Ernesto Laclaus (Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2017); Oliver Marchart, ed., Das Undarstellbare der Politik: Zur Hegemonietheorie Ernesto Laclaus (Wien: Turia und Kant, 1998); Oliver Marchart, “Politics and the Ontological Difference: On the ‘Strictly Philosophical’ in Laclau’s Work,” in Laclau: A Critical Reader, ed. Simon Critchley and Oliver Marchart (London: Routledge, 2004), 54–72; Marchart, Post-Foundational Political Thought; Andreas Reckwitz, “Ernesto Laclau: Kulturelle Hegemonien, Überdeterminationen und das konstitutive Außen,” in Subjekt, by Andreas Reckwitz (Bielefeld: transcript, 2008), 68–80; Andreas Reckwitz, “Ernesto Laclau: Diskurse, Hegemonien, Antagonismen,” in Kultur: Theorien der Gegenwart, ed. Stephan Moebius and Dirk Quadflieg, 2nd ed. (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011), 300–310; Georg Glasze, “Identitäten und Räume als politisch: Die Perspektive der Diskurs- und Hegemonietheorie,” Europa Regional 21, no. 1–2 (2013): 23–34; Eduard Grebe, “Contingency, Contestation and Hegemony: The Possibility of a Non-Essentialist Politics for the Left,” Philosophy & Social Criticism 35, no. 5 (January 6, 2009): 589–611, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0191453709103428​; Allan Dreyer Hansen, “Laclau and Mouffe and the Ontology of Radical Negativity,” Distinktion: Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory 15, no. 3 (2014): 283–95, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1080/​1600910X.​2014.​973895; Marius Hildebrand and Astrid Séville, “Populismus oder agonale Demokratie? Bruchlinien der theoretischen Symbiose von Laclau und Mouffe,” Politische Vierteljahresschrift 56, no. 1 (2015): 27–43, https://​doi.​org/​10.​5771/​0032-3470-2015-1-27; David Howarth, “Space, Subjectivity, and Politics,” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 105–34, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0304375406031002​01; Martin Nonhoff, Politischer Diskurs und Hegemonie: Das Projekt  »Soziale Marktwirtschaft« (Bielefeld: transcript, 2006), https://​doi.​org/​10.​14361/​9783839404249; Martin Nonhoff, ed., Diskursradikale DemokratieHegemonie: zum politischen Denken von Ernesto Laclau und Chantal Mouffe (Bielefeld: transcript, 2007); Andrew Norris, “Ernesto Laclau and the Logic of ‘the Political,’” Philosophy & Social Criticism 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 111–34, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​0191453706059848​.
 
91
Herschinger, “Hegemonie und Identität.”
 
92
Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time, 160–61.
 
93
Herschinger, “Hegemonie und Identität,” 133.
 
94
Lene Hansen, Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War (London: Routledge, 2006); Ty Solomon, “Social Logics and Normalisation in the War on Terror,” MillenniumJournal of International Studies 38, no. 2 (2009): 269–94; Eva Herschinger, “‘Hell Is the Other’: Conceptualising Hegemony and Identity through Discourse Theory,” MillenniumJournal of International Studies 41, no. 1 (2012): 65–90.
 
95
Chris Methmann, “‘Climate Protection’ as Empty Signifier: A Discourse Theoretical Perspective on Climate Mainstreaming in World Politics,” MillenniumJournal of International Studies 39, no. 2 (2010): 345–72.
 
96
Thomas Diez, “Speaking ‘Europe’: The Politics of Integration Discourse,” Journal of European Public Policy 6, no. 4 (1999): 598–613; James Rogers, “From ‘Civilian Power’ to ‘Global Power’: Explicating the European Union’s ‘Grand Strategy’ Through the Articulation of Discourse Theory,” Journal of Common Market Studies 47, no. 4 (2009): 831–62.
 
97
Judith Renner, Discourse, Normative Change and the Quest for Reconciliation in Global Politics (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013).
 
98
Herschinger, “Hegemonie und Identität,” 131–32.
 
99
Herschinger, 138f.
 
100
An exception precisely in response to this gap is the analytical focus of the symposium on the contribution of Laclau’s discourse theory for the analysis of world politics. See the comprehensive introduction by Frank A. Stengel and Dirk Nabers, “Symposium: The Contribution of Laclau’s Discourse Theory to International Relations and International Political Economy: Introduction,” New Political Science 41, no. 2 (2019): 248–62, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1080/​07393148.​2019.​1596683; See also Dirk Nabers, A Poststructuralist Discourse Theory of Global Politics (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).
 
101
Reckwitz, “Ernesto Laclau: Diskurse, Hegemonien, Antagonismen,” 302.
 
102
In an interview, Laclau contrasts his approach to discourse to that of Foucault: “For me, in order to differentiate our work from one another, the first thing to do would be to illuminate the other possibilities that were excluded, the processes through which certain regimes of truth became dominant. For me, the area of undecidability between these alternative truth assertions is ontologically decisive, whilst for Foucault, the notion of a regime of truth, like that of discourse, is a positive ensemble.” Hansen, Sonnichsen, and Laclau, “Discourse, The Political and The Ontological Dimension: An Interview With Ernesto Laclau,” 261f; André Sonnichsen, Allan Dreyer Hansen, and Carsten Jensen, “Introduction: Thematic Section on Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe,” Distinktion: Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory 15, no. 3 (2014): 252, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1080/​1600910X.​2014.​973057.
 
103
Martin Nonhoff, “Antagonismus und Antagonismen: Hegemonietheoretische Aufklärung,” in Ordnungen des Politischen: Einsätze und Wirkungen der Hegemonietheorie Ernesto Laclaus, ed. Oliver Marchart (Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2017), 82.
 
104
Heidegger, Being and Time, 222.
 
105
David Howarth, “Towards a Heideggerian Social Science. Heidegger, Kisiel and Weiner on the Limits of Anthropological Discourse,” Anthropological Theory 4, no. 2 (January 6, 2004): 241, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1177/​1463499604042817​.
 
106
Oliver Marchart, “Institution and Dislocation: Philosophical Roots of Laclau’s Discourse Theory of Space and Antagonism,” Distinktion: Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory 15, no. 3 (2014): 271, https://​doi.​org/​10.​1080/​1600910X.​2014.​966272.
 
107
Heidegger, Being and Time; Vail, Heidegger and Ontological Difference.
 
108
Jason Glynos and David R. Howarth, Logics of Critical Explanation in Social and Political Theory (London: Routledge, 2007).
 
109
Glynos and Howarth, 18–48.
 
110
Dirk Nabers and Frank A. Stengel, “International/Global Political Sociology,” in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), https://​doi.​org/​10.​1093/​acrefore/​9780190846626.​013.​371.
 
111
Widder, “Difference.”
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Introduction
verfasst von
Fränze Wilhelm
Copyright-Jahr
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74069-6_1

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