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1986 | Buch

Human System Responses to Disaster

An Inventory of Sociological Findings

verfasst von: Thomas E. Drabek

Verlag: Springer New York

Buchreihe : Springer Series on Environmental Management

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Über dieses Buch

This series is dedicated to serving the growing community of scholars and practitioners concerned with the principles and applications of environ­ mental management. Each volume is a thorough treatment of a specific topic of importance for proper management practices. A fundamental ob­ jective of these books is to help the reader discern and implement man's stewardship of our environment and the world's renewable resources. For we must strive to understand the relationship between man and nature, act to bring harmony to it, and nurture an environment that is both stable and productive. These objectives have often eluded us because the pursuit of other in­ dividual and societal goals has diverted us from a course of living in balance with the environment. At times, therefore, the environmental manager may have to exert restrictive control, which is usually best applied to man, not nature. Attempts to alter or harness nature have often failed or backfired, as exemplified by the results of imprudent use of herbicides, fertilizers, water, and other agents. Each book in this series will shed light on the fundamental and applied aspects of environmental management. It is hoped that each will help solve a practical and serious environmental problem. Robert S. DeSanto East Lyme, Connecticut Acknowledgments Compilation of the materials reviewed in this inventory was facilitated greatly by several staff members of the Disaster Research Center, University of Delaware (formerly at The Ohio State University) and the Natural Haz­ ards Research and Applications Information Center, University of Colorado.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Frontmatter
1. The Logic of the Inventory
Abstract
Through this introductory chapter I want to accomplish six objectives: (1) describe the intellectual context of this inventory; (2) define its boundaries; (3) explain the literature search processes that produced it; (4) present the conceptual framework into which study findings were grouped; (5) discuss the major limitations of the inventory and the risks of its use; and (6) outline briefly the logic and content of the remaining nine chapters. As with each of these, the last section of this chapter is a selected bibliography listing works of special relevance.
Thomas E. Drabek
2. Planning
Abstract
There are many ways to prepare for disaster. Indeed, the list of possible actions is nearly endless. Some activities, however, are best viewed within the concept of mitigation—that is, purposive acts designed toward the elimination of, reduction in probability of, or reduction of the effects of potential disasters. Specific examples include land-use management programs whereby people are restricted from building in flood-prone areas, or the more stringent building code requirements that have been adopted by many communities with histories of seismic activity. These are the focus of Chapters 8 and 9.
Thomas E. Drabek
3. Warning
Abstract
Building upon studies conducted during the 1950s and early 1960s (e.g., Mack and Baker, 1961; Withey, 1962; Moore et al.,1963), researchers have obtained a good understanding of individual responses to disaster warnings. Today, we have numerous analytical propositions; many have been tested repeatedly. While unanswered questions remain, a basic foundation has been constructed to guide future inquiry. Multivariate models, linked with statements specifying appropriate ranges of generalizability, should be produced in the next decade.
Thomas E. Drabek
4. Evacuation and Other Forms of Pre-impact Mobilization
Abstract
As emphasized previously, the lines that demark human responses across the life cycle of a disaster are blurred. Yet, once the earliest warnings have been issued, additional forms of mobilization occur. Other sectors of the community beyond those involved in the initial aspects of the warning process gradually begin to monitor the impending threat with more concern. These responses take somewhat different forms depending upon the system level studied.
Thomas E. Drabek
5. Post-impact Emergency Actions
Abstract
Immediately after a tornado has cut through Lubbock, Texas, or Topeka, Kansas, or Xenia, Ohio, what happens? What behavioral responses are evoked by individuals or the more complex social systems in which they participate? These actions are the focus of this chapter. Obviously, there is a blurred line between these and the early portions of the recovery phase. But in general, conclusions that are summarized here pertain to human activities within the initial few hours after impact. In some instances, the findings deal with emotional responses that were manifested within a few days, but the major focus is on immediate emergency actions. As in the preceding chapters, our assessment is organized by system levels. We will begin by examining the responses of individuals and systematically move across levels of increased structural complexity—from groups and organizations to communities and total societies.
Thomas E. Drabek
6. Restoration
Abstract
As I have emphasized throughout, disastrous events vary in many important ways and so too do the human responses to them. Yet, it is only recently that researchers have begun to explore the implications of this variation in an explicit manner. Today we are far from specifying in a detailed and precise manner the dimensions of taxonomic criteria that might facilitate comparisons, identify commonalities, and highlight response differences.
Thomas E. Drabek
7. Reconstruction
Abstract
Long-term recovery—frequently referred to as the reconstruction phase— brings the response cycle into issues of mitigation. When this phase can be assumed to have “ended,” remains, like a host of other questions, both theoretically and methodologically perplexing, however. When we completed our earlier review (i.e, Mileti, Drabek, and Haas, 1975), we emphasized the relative scarcity of findings concerning such matters. Our knowledge base has expanded greatly since then, as will be very evident from the discussion that follows.
Thomas E. Drabek
8. Hazard Perceptions
Abstract
While my literature search effort was structured so as to identify sociological studies of human system responses to specific disaster events of various types, early on I decided to include two chapters pertaining to disaster mitigation—one focused on hazard perceptions and another pertaining to hazard adjustments. In part, this reflects my belief that theories and public policies dealing with disasters—regardless of presumed cause— will be better informed if sociologists work within this broader context. Furthermore, if adopted and implemented, specific findings from disaster studies represent a form of mitigation—also a social process that can be improved through a better understanding of it. Thus, the mitigation phase completes the human response cycle.
Thomas E. Drabek
9. Attitudes toward and the Adoption of Adjustments
Abstract
Following the framework and orientation developed by White and his associates (e.g., White et al., 1975; Burton, Kates, and White, 1978), I find it useful to approach disaster research within an “adjustment” orientation. Thus, mitigation—as I defined it in Chapter 1—not only includes a perceptual dimension, but specific actions as well. White and Haas stated this quite well:
“The nation and its component parts respond to extreme natural events either through adaptation in the organization and processes of the social system, or in specific and conscious adjustment intended to reduce the costs or increase the net benefits of the hazards. By adaptation is meant long-term arrangement of activity to take account of the threat of natural extremes. It is illustrated by farming systems in arid regions which endure a persistently dry climate… By adjustment is meant all those intentional actions which are taken to cope with the risk and uncertainty of natural events. These fall into three major classes: 1. Modifying the causes of the hazard, as in the case of reducing the velocity of a hurricane by cloud seeding, relieving the seismic stresses in an earthquake zone to prevent high-intensity movements, or heating an orchard to prevent freezing from cold air; 2. Modifying vulnerability to the natural event, as through constructing flood control dams, warning systems, building earthquake-resistant houses, or prohibiting construction in the path of a snow avalanche; and 3. Distributing the losses, as in the case of insurance, relief and rehabilitation operations, or individual loss-bearing” (White and Haas, 1975:57).
Thomas E. Drabek
10. Disaster Research: A Strategic Research Site
Abstract
Independent of its utility as a guide to specific studies, this inventory provides a more generalized function. Given its scope, major directions within disaster research can be identified more clearly—so too can areas that thus far have been ignored. Similarly, certain topics that may have unique policy applications or have matured to a state of model development become more visible. In short, as Merton (1969) stated so well in his preface to Barton’s (1969) synthesis that was based on the disaster literature of the 1950s, such reviews have important functions for sociological theory. Similarly, at times such syntheses may stimulate more informed social policy.
Thomas E. Drabek
Backmatter
Metadaten
Titel
Human System Responses to Disaster
verfasst von
Thomas E. Drabek
Copyright-Jahr
1986
Verlag
Springer New York
Electronic ISBN
978-1-4612-4960-3
Print ISBN
978-1-4612-9376-7
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4612-4960-3