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Erschienen in: Studies in Comparative International Development 1-2/2007

01.06.2007

Autocracy, Elections, and Fiscal Policy: Evidence from Malaysia

verfasst von: Thomas Pepinsky

Erschienen in: Studies in Comparative International Development | Ausgabe 1-2/2007

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Abstract

Authoritarian regimes often use fiscal policy to reward political supporters and to punish political opponents. In many authoritarian regimes with political institutions like parties, legislatures, and elections, elections become a focal point for budget expenditures and the distribution of government patronage. A time-series analysis of Malaysian fiscal expenditures from 1967 to 1997 shows that the ruling coalition systematically increases federal government spending before elections. In addition to marshalling private resources to distribute patronage, the Malaysian government manipulates the government’s official position. These findings have important implications for the growing literature on political institutions under autocratic regimes and the politics of patronage and redistribution in the developing world. They also suggest a new empirical domain for existing theories of political business cycles.

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Fußnoten
1
In many countries, some individual races are competitive, but the likelihood that the opposition will win enough seats to unseat the ruling party remains almost nonexistent.
 
2
A more extensive review of the literature can be found in Clark et al. (1998: 88–92).
 
3
I do not offer support for this assumption along explicit theoretical grounds, as it is not the focus of this study and it appears to have anecdotal empirical support in cases including Brazil (Geddes and Zaller 1989) and China (Chen et al. 1997).
 
4
It is certainly possible for an incumbent government under a system of competitive authoritarianism to employ many tactics of electoral manipulation. The case of Malaysia provides an example of a regime that uses fiscal policy to complement other, more unpleasant, methods of electoral subterfuge.
 
5
See e.g., Bennett (2000) for a review of the effects of differing levels of political information on political behavior.
 
6
On Malaysia’s electoral system, see Puthucheary and Norani (2005).
 
7
Students of Southeast Asian politics variously refer to the political system of Malaysia as “semi-democracy” (Case 2002: ch. 4), “pseudodemocracy” (Case 2001); “neither authoritarian nor democratic” (Crouch 1993), “statist democracy” (Jesudason 1993), “authoritarian populism” (Munro-Kua 1996), or “soft authoritarianism” (Means 1996).
 
8
The Malay opposition party PAS has resorted to many of UMNO’s tactics as well. In response, the government has begun to gerrymander districts in PAS strongholds to split the Islamist vote.
 
9
After public concern with corrupt business–government relations rose in the mid-1980s, the government amended the Official Secrets Act of 1972 to declare that the press may no longer discuss government tenders and privatization contracts, even after their completion (Jomo 1994: 277–281; Means 1991: 122).
 
10
Spending is the variable of interest, but deficits allow us to capture the fact that the possibility of spending is contingent on revenue, especially with revenue as a regressor.
 
11
A good economic summary of the crisis is Radelet and Sachs (1998).
 
12
A pro-government review of how the regime handled the crisis may be found in Tourres (2003). A more balanced account is Jomo (2001).
 
13
Alesina and Wacziarg (1998) argue that country size mitigates the effect of openness on growth: smaller countries have larger public sectors and are also more open. Malaysia is the archetype of a “small, open economy.”
 
14
ADF tests of the first-differenced time series strongly reject the null hypothesis that there is a unit root in any transformed variable. The t-statistics for the first-differences of ln(GOVSUR), ln(GDP), ln(REVENUE) and OPEN obtained from the tests are −5.46, −3.59, −7.78, and −4.88, respectively. The critical t-statistic for 99% confidence is −3.49.
 
15
The size of the coefficient on ELECTCURR are not robust to the inclusion of the data points that surround the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s—including this data almost doubles its value. This is consistent with the supposition that the data points that correspond to the Asian financial crisis caused a massive increase in the Malaysian government deficit directly preceding a parliamentary election, thereby obscuring the average effect of elections on governmental deficits.
 
16
OPEN may also be overly colinear with GDP, which is the denominator for calculating OPEN—and note also GDP is also insignificant. To check, I explored Model 3 using other measures of trade openness, including (1) the sum of exports and imports, (2) “real openness,” defined as the sum of exports and imports divided by the consumer price index, (3) the balance of foreign trade, and (4) logs and first differences of these variables. The variable is never significant at anywhere close to conventional levels, and GDP remains insignificant as well, but the coefficients and standard errors on ELECTCURR and REVENUE remain almost unchanged.
 
17
Here, actual future economic performance is a proxy for expected future economic performance.
 
18
All three also banned certain groups from contesting elections as parties: in Malaysia, the Communist Party; in Mexico under the PRI, religious parties; and Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood.
 
19
I thank an anonymous reviewer for highlighting this point.
 
20
A new twist on the institutional determinants of economic policy manipulation in democracies is Kayser (2005).
 
21
I estimate here a GARCH(1,1) model. I choose this functional form by employing a likelihood ratio test in the most general model that includes all hypothesized regressors. The LR-test statistic is .89693, which cannot reject the null hypothesis that no additional information is obtained using a GARCH(2,1) specification (critical χ 2(.05, 1) = 3.84).
 
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Titel
Autocracy, Elections, and Fiscal Policy: Evidence from Malaysia
verfasst von
Thomas Pepinsky
Publikationsdatum
01.06.2007
Verlag
Springer-Verlag
Erschienen in
Studies in Comparative International Development / Ausgabe 1-2/2007
Print ISSN: 0039-3606
Elektronische ISSN: 1936-6167
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-007-9006-4

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