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2022 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

4. Shaping Sovereignty as Responsibility at the ICC (Part II): The Test of Institutional Practice

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Abstract

In line with the updated understanding of the norm life-cycle outlined in Chap. 2, the present chapter moves forward in the attentive critical scrutiny of the ICC’s lived practice undertaken in the previous chapter. It shows that the tension between ‘sovereignty-limiting rationale’ and ‘sovereignty-based’ operation therein described is unequivocally reflected in the ‘tribunalization’ of a highly selective range of violence and the sanctioning of an even more restricted selection, which both lay bare the Court’s subjection to the existing distribution of power both among states and within them. More to the point, such tension cuts utterly against the normative aspirations of sovereignty as responsibility, specifically by leaving the Court practically ill-equipped to break with a notorious pattern of hyper-protected sovereignty. This is most clearly exemplified by the fact that to date the ICC has been utterly ‘unable’ to successfully prosecute crimes of individuals who can rely on governmental protection. Furthermore, the selectivity of the Court’s intervention looms even more severely if we consider that all the individuals who are or have been in the Court’s custody—indeed, all ICC defendants to date—are African and black—a fact that powerfully exposes the continuing rac(ial)ism, civilizing impulse, and coloniality of the liberal international project. Hence, the conclusion that contemporary calls for normativized practices of conditional, provisional recognition should no longer appear as game-changing, but rather placed against a persisting backdrop of core/periphery relations, and West’s assumed position of superiority.

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Fußnoten
1
The Government of the Central African Republic has referred two situations to the Court, in December 2004 and May 2014. The ICC has opened an investigation into both of them.
 
2
To these we can add the conviction of Bemba et al. (CAR I) for offences against the administration of justice.
 
3
In December 2020, the OTP announced that the statutory criteria for opening investigations in Nigeria are met. The next will be to request authorization from the judges of the Pre-Trial Chamber of the Court to open an investigation.
 
4
In December 2019, the OTP reached the determination that there exists a reasonable basis to proceed with a full-fledged investigation in the situation of Palestine. Yet, rather than proceeding directly to request judicial authorization to open an investigation, the Prosecutor has deemed it necessary to request from the PTC a jurisdictional ruling on the scope of the ICC territorial jurisdiction in Palestine. At the time of writing, no decision has been issued yet by the Chamber.
 
5
In December 2020, the OTP announced that the statutory criteria for opening investigations in Ukraine are met. The next will be to request authorization from the judges of the Pre-Trial Chamber of the Court to open an investigation.
 
6
Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute enables a state not party to the Statute to accept the exercise of ICC jurisdiction.
 
7
Venezuela I is the first referral submitted by a group of states parties (The Republic of Argentina, Canada, the Republic of Colombia, the Republic of Chile, the Republic of Paraguay, and the Republic of Peru) concerning a situation on the territory of another state party.
 
8
Venezuela II was opened following the Government of Venezuela’s referral requesting the Prosecutor to initiate an investigation into crimes against humanity allegedly committed on the territory of Venezuela by the government of the United States of America.
 
9
On 4 September 2020, the OPT received a referral from the Government of Bolivia regarding the situation in its own territory and, more to the point, the alleged criminal conduct of members of the political party Movimiento al Socialismo and associated organizations.
 
10
In several situations, including Afghanistan, the OTP has disclosed only the date or period when the preliminary examination was ‘made public’ rather than when it was opened, thus leaving uncertainty about when the Office has actually opened certain PEs.
 
11
A similar approach can be detected in Ukraine’s declaration on the acceptance of the ad hoc jurisdiction (Government of Ukraine 2015), whose wording has fed the misconception of a potential ICC investigation as a ‘Ukrainian lawsuit against Russia’ (Marchuk and Wanigasuriya 2020).
 
12
These are further discussed in paragraph 4.3.2.
 
13
A UNSC referral, it bears recalling, does not automatically trigger an investigation (which can only start if and when the OTP finds that there is a ‘reasonable basis’ to proceed).
 
14
At large.
 
15
In ICC custody.
 
16
In ICC custody.
 
17
Simone Gbagbo had been in Ivorian custody from April 2011 to August 2018, serving a 20-year prison term for undermining state security. On 8 August 2018, the former first lady was released, after being amnestied by President Alassane Ouattara, whose government refuses to transfer the suspect to the ICC in violation of its legal obligation under the Rome Statute.
 
18
A glaring example of the UNSC’s failure to refer situations to the Court has been Syria. In contrast, according to an analysis combining the data of three widely accepted databases (the Uppsala Conflict Database, Political Terror Scale, and Failed State Index) the UNSC referred situation of Libya, ‘would not even rank amongst the ten gravest situations in its worst years (2010 and 2011)’ (Alette et al. 2015, 32), and yet, it rapidly became of unanimous concern within the international community.
 
19
In this respect, Resolution 1593 had a predecessor in UNSC Resolution 1422, which, in 2002, right after the entry into force of the Rome Statute, requested the ICC to defer potential prosecutions of peacekeepers from non-state parties for a 12-month period.
 
20
The resolution was passed with five abstained (Brazil, Germany, and India, and permanent members China and Russia) and none opposed. OUP involved 18 participating countries (14 NATO member-states and four partners): Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Denmark, France, Greece, Italy, Jordan, Netherlands, Norway, Qatar, Romania, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, and the United States.
 
21
The OTP’s request, however, was rejected by the PTC, which on 27 April 2007 issued Harun and Kushayb’s arrest warrants.
 
22
Yet, according to the judge, whereas Article 98(1) continues to apply regardless the UNSC role in the situation, Sudan is a party to another treaty, the Genocide Convention, which does include a permanent waiver for Al-Bashir’s immunities. Accordingly, Omar Al-Bashir would not enjoy personal immunity, having been charged with genocide within the meaning of Article VI of the Genocide Convention (ibid.).
 
23
Judge Christine Van den Wyngaert, for example, has pointed to ‘grave problems in the Prosecution’s system of evidence review, as well as a serious lack of proper oversight by senior Prosecution staff’ (The Prosecutor v. Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta, Trial Chamber V/Judge Christine Van den Wyngaert 2013, para.4).
 
24
The charges against Kenyatta and Ruto were, respectively, withdrawn by the Prosecutor and vacated by the Trial Chamber, in both cases due to lack of evidence.
 
25
Burundi’s decision to withdraw from the Rome Statute in October 2016 came after the Court had publicly announced its preliminary examination of the situation in the country in April 2016, and after the UN Human Rights Council had resolved, at the end of September 2016, to create a commission of inquiry that would have identified alleged perpetrators and recommend steps to guarantee their accountability.
 
26
While specifically addressing the connections between international criminal law and the logics of neoliberalism, Kamari Maxine Clarke has pointed to ‘the interrelationship between the specter of justice—the victim and the spectacularization of the law’ (Clarke 2009, 6) as ‘funded through donor capitalism’ (ibid, 8).
 
27
Similarly, Martti Koskenniemi has argued: ‘To focus on individual guilt instead of, say, economic, political, or military structures, is to leave invisible, and thus to underwrite, the story those structures have produced by pointing at a scapegoat’ (Koskenniemi 2004, 210). Along the same lines, according to Clarke: ‘The problem is that the reassignment of the guilt of thousands of people to a single chief commander and a few of his top aides neither ends violence nor captures adequately the complicity of multiple agents involved in the making of war’ (Clarke 2009, 19).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Shaping Sovereignty as Responsibility at the ICC (Part II): The Test of Institutional Practice
verfasst von
Emanuela Piccolo Koskimies
Copyright-Jahr
2022
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85934-3_4

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