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Erschienen in: Public Choice 3-4/2021

12.03.2020

Power-sharing negotiation and commitment in monarchies

verfasst von: Kana Inata

Erschienen in: Public Choice | Ausgabe 3-4/2021

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Abstract

While military and civilian dictators tend to rule through fear, absolute monarchies do not depend exclusively on it and can also derive legitimacy from the historical, cultural and religious roles they play. That opportunity provides absolute monarchs with an option (constitutional monarchy) that is unavailable to other types of dictators. On the one hand, the institutional flexibility of that option might facilitate negotiations between an absolute monarch and the regime’s elites. On the other hand, it might complicate power-sharing, as the monarch may fail to commit to the principle of non-interference, while the regime’s elites may attempt to disempower the monarch. By formalizing a power-sharing game between a monarch and the regime’s elites, this paper argues that the threat of civil disobedience contributes to the resolution of commitment problems and also explains the reasons some constitutional monarchs hold and on occasion exercise substantive political powers despite the fact that their ability to survive presumably depends on their commitment to non-interference.

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1
The classification depends on the definition of constitutional monarchy as “a system of government in which a monarch is guided by a constitution whereby his/her rights, duties, and responsibilities are spelled out in written law or by custom” and of parliamentary monarchy as “a state headed by a monarch who is not actively involved in policy formation or implementation (i.e., the exercise of sovereign powers by a monarch in a ceremonial capacity); true governmental leadership is carried out by a cabinet and its head—a prime minister, premier, or chancellor—who are drawn from a legislature (parliament)” (CIA World Factbook 2018). This paper calls such regimes constitutional monarchies, as they are substantively similar.
 
2
For example, Bjørnskov and Kurrild-Klitgaard (2014) demonstrate empirically that large-scale reforms facilitate medium-run growth in monarchies while inducing a sizable reduction in growth in republics; they infer that the difference can be associated with monarchs’ longer time horizons, backed by their secure political positions.
 
3
Brunei, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Eswatini and the United Arab Emirates.
 
4
I refer to M as “he” and E as “she” since most monarchs that have been in the situation described in the model have been male.
 
5
In this model, the term “Regime elite” means the non-royal elite, because the model’s focus is not on conflict related to succession.
 
6
Some studies of autocracy allow for several types of elites (Bjørnskov 2019; Tullock 1987).
 
7
For example, in Saudi Arabia, Prince Mohammed bin Salman arrested at least 20 senior figures in 2017, including ministers, prominent businessmen and senior princes (Kirkpatrick 2019).
 
8
The assumption is consistent with the literature arguing that most threats to autocrats come from within their own ruling coalitions (Bueno de Mesquita et al. 2003; Przeworski 1991; Svolik 2009, 2012).
 
9
The monarch and a parliament usually share policymaking power. Power-sharing is common and is seen in democratic and autocratic monarchies (Congleton 2001, 2006). While constitutional monarchs in Great Britain, Sweden, Norway and Japan are not granted substantial political powers today, some constitutional monarchs possess and occasionally possess powers to set agendas and veto executive decisions, as shown in Table 1.
 
10
When \( p \) is intermediate, \( x = 1 - p \) in Fig. 3 intersects with \( x = \beta \) in the range of \( c < \beta < 1 - c \) or \( 1 - c < \beta < c \). When that occurs, neither side will renege in the other range of \( \beta \).
 
11
Boix and Svolik (2013) and Svolik (2009) argue that the probability of successful power-sharing is decreasing in the dictator’s power. Albin and Druckman (2012) contend that rough power symmetries motivate the relevant parties to act more justly and search for a balanced solution that they can accept voluntarily.
 
12
The result is consistent with the fact that several European states transformed from monarchies to republics after their defeat in World War II.
 
13
King Mohammed V not only served as the supreme commander, but also appointed ultra-royalist Ahmed Reda Guedira as the first minister of defense, and his eldest son, Hassan, as the military’s chief of staff (Willis 2014, pp. 82–83). To ensure loyalty, the King also paid considerable attention to the composition of the armed forces in a bid to transfer more professional and apolitical values to the new force, leaving the troops vulnerable to accusations of involvement in colonial oppression from the nationalist movement (Willis 2014, p. 83). Owing to its military supremacy, the monarchy survived two coup attempts in the early 1970s.
 
14
A public opinion survey in 2017 showed that King Mohammed VI enjoyed the greatest religious authority among Morocco’s Islamic leaders and that 70% of the respondents “trust” or “completely trust” the King on religious matters (Sheline 2019, p. 2).
 
15
In the 1970s, the rise in the cost of living and unemployment problems caused by the economic slowdown led to a series of sectoral strikes (Badimon 2013; Lust-Okar 2005, pp. 129–131). In February 2011, thousands of demonstrators took to the streets to call for better economic performance and political institutions (Molina 2011).
 
16
The following episodes illustrate the king’s favorable attitudes toward reforms in the initial stage. Written documents reveal that the king told the queen’s circle of friends, who opposed the Third Estate, that “it is not clear that the Third Estate are wrong. Different forms have been observed each time the Estates have been held. So why reject verification in common? I am for it” (Hardman 1981 p. 93). The king also made several promises after the storming of the Bastille, such as refraining from imposing new taxes without the approval of representatives, granting no privileges in the imposition and collection of taxes, allocating a fixed budget to each governmental department, and guaranteeing freedom of the press (Padover 1965, pp. 167–169).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Power-sharing negotiation and commitment in monarchies
verfasst von
Kana Inata
Publikationsdatum
12.03.2020
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Public Choice / Ausgabe 3-4/2021
Print ISSN: 0048-5829
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7101
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-020-00792-8

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