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2016 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

16. Globalizing China: A Critical Political Economy Perspective on China’s Rise

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Abstract

Few developments in the global political economy of the 21st century have received so much scholarly attention as the “rise of China”. Although occupying only a small and relatively obscure niche in this wide-ranging literature, there have also been important contributions to studying the political economy of China’s recent development from the critical perspective identified by the editors in the introduction to this volume. There is however no widely recognized common core: the field is very young and only beginning to recognize let alone overcome certain key obstacles. First, there is the bifurcation—not absolute, but quite meaningful nevertheless—between the “old China hands” in the field, the China specialists trained and well versed in the history, language and culture of China and the wider region, on the one hand, and those (like the author of this chapter) whose scholarly interest in China has only emerged later and remained secondary to their engagement with broader themes in international political economy (IPE) thus depending on the literature available in English and other Western languages. Then, contributions to the field by Chinese scholars themselves are few in number. There is also relatively little communication between critical scholars within China and those based outside China. Critical Chinese scholars being published in English still form a rare species, with a few important exceptions such as Wang Hui (Wang 2009, 2014). In spite of all this, critical IPE scholars have made key contributions to our understanding of the dynamics and contradictions of China’s rise in the contemporary global political economy. This chapter aims to survey some of these quite disparate contributions (without any claim to comprehensiveness) and to put them into the context of a more or less coherent conceptual framework.

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Fußnoten
1
In this contribution I will, when quoting Chinese names, follow the practice of putting the family name first, the given name or names last.
 
2
In the interest of readability I will dispense here with giving too many literature references. As will be readily apparent, my approach is heavily indebted to the work of Robert Cox (1981, 1983, 1987), Kees van der Pijl (1984, 1998), and Immanuel Wallerstein (1974); further key references can be found in some of my earlier writings (see Overbeek 2004, 2013).
 
3
The dates demarcating these episodes are chosen for their symbolic value: it goes without saying that in historical reality the transitions are much more fluid and drawn-out than these specific dates would suggest.
 
4
Until the early 19th century, Macao remained the only Western outpost in China, rented as a port in 1557 until it became a Portuguese colony in 1887. Hong Kong only became a British colony after the First Opium War in 1842.
 
5
A parallel story can be told of the fate of India, which after 1815 was turned from a superior producer of cotton textiles into a supplier of raw cotton to the textile mills in Lancashire (Frank 1998; Hersh 2010).
 
6
The collapse of the Soviet Union a decade later was of course to no small degree the result of Western pressures.
 
7
Unless otherwise indicated, data used in this chapter were calculated from the World Development Indicators database to be found on the World Bank website (http://​data.​worldbank.​org/​products/​wdi).
 
8
That China is such a successful exporter should not necessarily suggest that China’s economic growth was exclusively the product of its export surplus. Horn et al. (2010) conclude that in the period 2002–2008, exports explain roughly one-fifth to one-third of economic growth. In 2009, the year of the huge economic stimulus, overall economic growth was 8.1%, with a negative contribution by exports (−3.2%).
 
9
Unlike Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao did not belong to the so-called Shanghai faction, but to the tuanpai, those leaders who had risen through the Party ranks after starting their career in the Communist Youth League. The tuanpai’s power base is concentrated in the inland provinces (the “red states”), and their politics are focused on reducing social inequality and promoting a “harmonious society” and more balanced growth (Li Cheng 2007, 2008; Saich 2011: 98; Hung 2009, Mulvad 2015 ).
 
10
Source: http://​www.​chinability.​com/​Reserves.​htm (31-08-2015). Chinese currency reserves are being depleted since mid-2014, most recently in order to finance the government’s attempt to stem the sell-off on the Chinese stock exchanges, and at the end of June 2015 stood at US$3.68 trillion (Wall Street Journal 15 July 2015).
 
11
As is well known, we need to be careful with statistics: reliability and comparability are usually not perfect. This is a fortiori the case with Chinese statistics (see Breslin (2013)).
 
12
Xi Jinping belongs to the so-called princeling faction: princelings are the offspring of revolutionary heroes and other prominent Party leaders: they have been among the greatest beneficiaries of China’s integration in the world market and the spread of capitalist development, and are regionally concentrated in the coastal provinces (the “blue states”) (Li Cheng 2007, 2008; Hung 2009). Xi’s policy preferences can be summarized as “promoting economic efficiency, attaining a high rate of GDP growth, and integrating China further into the world economy”, boasting good relations with prominent US leaders such as Hank Paulson (Li Cheng 2008: 85–6). For more information on his network, see Li Cheng 2014–2015.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Globalizing China: A Critical Political Economy Perspective on China’s Rise
verfasst von
Henk Overbeek
Copyright-Jahr
2016
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50018-2_16

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