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Erschienen in:
2010 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel
Local and Global Implicatures in Wh-Question Disjunctions
verfasst von : Andreas Haida, Sophie Repp
Erschienen in: Logic, Language and Meaning
Verlag: Springer Berlin Heidelberg
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It has been observed that
wh
-questions cannot be joined disjunctively, the suggested reasons being semantic or pragmatic deviance. We argue that
wh
-question disjunctions are semantically well-formed but are pragmatically deviant outside contexts that license polarity-sensitive (PS) items. In these contexts the pragmatic inadequacy disappears due to a pragmatically induced recalibration of the implicature triggered by
or
(as argued in [1]). We propose that the alternative-inducing property of
or
has as its syntactic correlate the feature [+
σ
] (cf. [2]), thus forcing the insertion of the operator O
$_{\mbox{\scriptsize{\sc alt}}}$
, which is responsible for the computation of implicatures at different scope sites. Importantly, the licensing of the PS property of
wh
-question disjunctions cannot be reduced to the licensing of a lexical property of
or
but also depends on the semantics of the disjoined questions.