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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

4. Regional and Global Neighbours of the South Caucasus

verfasst von : Licínia Simão

Erschienen in: The EU’s Neighbourhood Policy towards the South Caucasus

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter introduces the competing influences converging in the South Caucasus, in the post-Cold War context. It is divided into two main sections, one presenting the institutional structures, which are perceived as reinforcing the expansion and consolidation of a European security community, and the other dealing with the competing forces that provide the region with alternative approaches to its security. This chapter acknowledges that this area is geographically, culturally, politically and economically pulled in many directions and that this has a direct impact on the process of including it in the European security community. It affects processes of socialisation of elites, creates competing institutional frameworks and provides competing incentives for political transformation. It, thus, sets the context in which the EU’s neighbourhood proposals interact.

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Vorheriges Kapitel The European Neighbourhood Policy and the Expansion of the European Security Community
Nächstes Kapitel Armenia: Breaking Isolation to Reach Europe
Fußnoten
1
According to the authors “[Regional Security Complexes] are defined by durable patterns of amity and enmity taking the form of subglobal, geographically coherent patterns of security interdependence” (Buzan and Waever 2003, p. 45).
 
2
The term ‘Great Game’ was popularised in the novel Kim, by Rudyard Kipling ([1901] 1989), describing the struggle for territorial dominance between the British and Russian empires over Central Asia. The term has been widely used to characterise the renewed competition developing in Eurasia, after the end of the Cold War.
 
3
The perception of the former-Soviet countries as a an area of particular interest to Russia was reinforced by President Medvedev (2008) in August 2008, when he advocated that Russia has ‘special interest regions’, implicitly referring to Georgia as a neighbouring country.
 
4
Only in 2008 did the European Commission establish two autonomous delegations in Yerevan and Baku, also in a coordinated way.
 
5
This committee was established in 1994, during negotiations for the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. In 2004, bilateral EU–Armenia, EU–Azerbaijan and EU–Georgia Parliamentary Cooperation Committees were created, reflecting the principle of differentiation underlying the ENP.
 
6
The development of a Stability Pact for the South Caucasus has been on the European agenda since 1999, through the European Parliament (2005), think tanks (see the publication by the Centre for European Policy Studies, focusing on regional integration, Celac et al. 2000) and the Council of Europe (Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2006).
 
7
South Ossetia and Abkhazia were recognised by the Russian Federation and Nicaragua as independent states, after the war with Georgia, in July 2008.
 
8
Data gathered at the CIA World Factbook, available at https://​www.​cia.​gov/​library/​publications/​the-world-factbook/​ [accessed 10 June 2017].
 
9
GUAM comprises Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova.
 
10
For details on US interests in the Caucasus and Caspian region, including the reasons leading to the meetings in Key West, see Baran (2001).
 
11
The OSCE has 57 participating states from Europe, Central Asia and North America.
 
12
‘Declaration on Principles Guiding Relations between Participating States: I. Sovereign equality, respect for the rights inherent in sovereignty II. Refraining from the threat or use of force III. Inviolability of frontiers IV. Territorial integrity of States V. Peaceful settlement of disputes VI. Non-intervention in internal affairs VII. Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief VIII. Equal rights and self-determination of peoples IX. Co-operation among States X. Fulfilment in good faith of obligations under international law’ (CSCE 1975).
 
13
The EAPC was established in 1997 as a successor of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and sought to consolidate a security forum focused on a more enhanced and operational partnership, which would better reflect the more complex and multifaceted nature of relations between the Alliance and the countries participating in the PfP.
 
14
The notion of the end of the ‘post-Soviet Space’ was advanced by Alexander Nikitin (2007), while Roger Kanet (2008) argues about the elements in Russian policies aimed at building a ‘Greater Russia’.
 
15
Several authors support this argument. See for instance Gomart (2007, p. 28) and Baev (2003, p. 50).
 
16
In 1988, the local Soviet of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region of Azerbaijan (Nagorno-Karabakh was a mainly Armenian populated territory and was included in Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan in 1921, by Stalin) elaborated a petition to the Supreme Soviets of the Armenian and Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republics requesting the reunification of the territory with Armenia. This sparkled Armenian hope of reunification, that Moscow never supported, and eventually led to the armed confrontation between the two republics. For the best account of the origins and developments around the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict see Waal (2004, especially Chap. 1).
 
17
Several processes requesting the recognition of the 1915 events as g enocide have been promoted and supported by politically active Armenian diasporas in several countries, including France, the US and Argentina. Turkey usually retaliates by curtailing political and economic relations with these states.
 
18
According to Arif Yunusov (2007, p. 60): ‘The situation worsened even more for Iran when the PFA [Popular Front of Azerbaijan], after the fall of Shusha [inside Nagorno-Karabakh], came to power headed by President Abulfaz Elchibey. Iran was declared a threat to national security, as was Russia, and they pursued the course of a union with Turkey and close cooperation with the West. Elchibey proclaimed his support of the idea of the unification of Southern and Northern Azerbaijan, while simultaneously calling for Azerbaijan’s release from “Persian domination”.’ See also (Wasserman 1995, pp. 150–2).
 
19
President Ilham Aliyev has sought to balance Azerbaijani foreign policy between relations with the West and good neighbourly relations with Iran. On the one hand, Baku is exposed to the strategic importance of Western (namely US) energy companies operating in the country and US pressures, since 2004, to use Azerbaijan as a military base for operations in Afghanistan (and potentially in Iran). On the other hand, relations with Iran are complex, including ethnic issues and the disputed status of the Caspian. Iran also realised the importance of keeping relations with Azerbaijan in good footing and in 2004 authorised the opening of an Azerbaijani general consulate in the city of Tabriz, among other improvements. For more details see (Ismayilov 2006, 2007; Yunus 2006, pp. 117–18).
 
20
INOGATE stands for Interstate Oil and Gas Transport to Europe and is an international energy cooperation programme between the European Union, the littoral states of the Black and Caspian Seas and their neighbouring countries.
 
21
This agreement reinforces Turkey’s position as a central energy transit and trading country, while it also allows Iran to escape the isolation imposed international sanctions. It provides an important alternative energy supply for Europe, away from Russian dominated routes, and makes Caspian export routes more viable allowing Turkmenistan’s energy to flow directly to Europe without using Russian controlled pipelines. Finally, it represents an important reinforcement of the EU-sponsored Nabucco and South Stream projects. See among others Daily (2007); Socor (2007, 2012).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Regional and Global Neighbours of the South Caucasus
verfasst von
Licínia Simão
Copyright-Jahr
2018
Buch
The EU’s Neighbourhood Policy towards the South Caucasus

Print ISBN: 978-3-319-65791-2

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-65792-9

Copyright-Jahr: 2018

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65792-9_4

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