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Erschienen in:
Introduction: A Dream Called Rome Kapitel lesen Erstes Kapitel lesen

2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

3. SF in the EU’s Newest Member States

verfasst von : Aidan Power

Erschienen in: Contemporary European Science Fiction Cinemas

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter focuses upon science fiction output from some of the European Union’s newest member states, surveying how the European project is presented onscreen in Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, and Lithuania. Beginning with an industrial analysis of the American-owned Nu Boyana Film Studios in Sofia which has produced a host of sf b-movies, the focus then shifts to the Croatian micro-budget media satire The Show Must Go On (Nevio Marasović 2010), a film in which EU accession ultimately results in the country’s ruination. Rising nationalist sentiment in Hungary is then analysed with relation to Jupiter’s Moon (Kornél Mundruczó 2017), a film that follows a Syrian refugee with superpowers as he crosses the Serbian border in the hopes of making a new life in the EU, before the chapter concludes with a close textual analysis of Vanishing Waves (Kristina Buožytė 2012), independent Lithuania’s first-ever sf film.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Shaping a European Narrative: Eurimages, SF, and the Auteur
Nächstes Kapitel PIIGS to the Slaughter
Fußnoten
1
As part of her electoral mandate, Marine Le Pen stated a desire to hold a referendum on continued French membership of the EU within six months of her being elected President of the Republic.
 
2
The Nice Treaty essentially replaced the Maastricht Treaty and paved the way for the EU’s eastward expansion. It passed into law in 2003 following considerable opposition, most saliently in Ireland, whose population initially rejected the treaty in a 2001 referendum, before then accepting it in a second referendum the following year.
 
3
Writing in the aftermath of its 2004 expansion, Hryhoriy Nemyria argued that the EU was unlikely to welcome Ukraine any time soon for several reasons: ‘Ukraine’s biggest problem was its image of a country that is too big in the sense that Ukraine is larger in geography than France, and is the fifth largest country in Europe by population; too poor in the sense that GDP per capita is just slightly more than a third of the average of the ten new EU members; and, of course, too Soviet to elicit serious consideration of its chances’ (‘The Orange Revolution: Explaining the Unexpected’ 57).
 
4
While the 1980s saw films such as O-bi, O-ba: The End of Civilization/o-bi, o-ba: koniec cywilizacji (Piotr Szulkin 1985), Sexmission/seksmisja (Juliusz Machulski 1984), and On The Silver Globe/na srebrnym globie (Andrzej Żuławski 1988) emerge, the twenty-first century has been surprisingly barren, rare exceptions being the Japanese/Polish production Avalon (Mamoru Oshii 2001) and the animated multinational co-production The Congress (Ari Folman 2013), which received some Polish financing and was based on Stanisław Lem’s 1971 novel The Futurological Congress.
 
5
In the introduction to their edited collection Cinemas in Transition in Central and Eastern Europe After 1989, Peter Hames and Catherine Portuges note the repetition of the same pattern: ‘At different times, and in different ways, the nationalized systems have collapsed and the numbers of cinemas and audience sizes have been drastically reduced. The era of cultural globalization has arrived, signalling the dominance of English-language (mainly US) cinema. However, the notion that the degree of such domination is a response to public demand is highly questionable’ (3).
 
6
Dina Iordanova writes: ‘The directors of the generation that came to the profession in the 1990s faced a difficult situation: because of non-existent distribution, their names never reached wider Bulgarian audiences; only those who worked for television are known in Bulgaria today’ (‘Bulgarian Cinema’ 12).
 
7
For a detailed history of Boyana, see Dina Iordanova’s chapter ‘Bulgaria’ in Mette Hjort and Duncan Petrie’s The Cinema of Small Nations (2007).
 
8
Syfy executive Ray Cannella outlined to Wired how the company elected to move away from outsourcing films in order to take control of the means of production. Doing so, he reasoned, would initially be more expensive but would give the company full rights over the finished film, enabling them to rescreen it as often as they pleased (‘We’ve Created a Monster!’).
 
9
As early as 2004, Ken Badish, then president of the LA-based production company Active Entertainment—a frequent collaborator with Syfy—expressed doubts as to the sustainability of shooting in Bulgaria, stating that ‘In Bulgaria, you can get good technical labor and all the other things you need for production. But ironically, the business these guys have created in Bulgaria is reducing the benefit of working there. Other producers come in, the costs rise, and soon you are looking for someplace else’ (‘We’ve Created a Monster!’).
 
10
Adam Garstone writes: ‘Nu Boyana is able to provide everything required for a production, from equipment to crew to sound stages to locations, through editing, VFX and grading, sound design and final mix. A producer can hand off a script to one of the in-house Unit Production Managers, who will return a full budget and will source everything possible, for instance the company has cameras and lens packages from most of the major manufactures’ (‘Nu Boyana Film Studios, The East European Hollywood’).
 
11
The nebulous nature of this ‘Asian Alliance’ is rather problematic insofar as it seemingly plays into Occidentalist East/West binaries, yet if we choose to give Nevio Marasović the benefit of the doubt, we could point towards George Orwell’s deliberately hazy descriptions of East Asia in Nineteen Eighty-Four as an sf precedent, all the more so if we consider The Show Must Go On’s focus on a Big Brother-like TV show.
 
12
In an interview with Film Comment, Mundruczó stated: ‘I think that after the economic crisis, and after September 11, there’s been a huge moral crisis. And this new kind of cinema or cinematic language, and these new kinds of moral stories are important nowadays, because you can’t find your way in conservative art anymore’ (Talu, ‘ND/NF Interview: Kornél Mundruczó’).
 
13
In March 2018, The New York Times reported that Orbán’s administration had gone so far as to amend schoolchildren’s history textbooks to reflect his policies, including the contestation that ‘it can be problematic for different cultures to coexist’ (Kingsley, ‘How Viktor Orban Bends Hungarian Society to His Will’).
 
14
The long-standing relationship between Orbán and Soros—an American-based billionaire and Holocaust survivor—is a complex one that spans the length of contemporary Hungarian democracy. Writing for The Washington Post, Griff Witte elaborates: ‘Orban was a young democratic activist in the dying days of communist control in the late 1980s. Soros funded a scholarship for him to study at Oxford and even helped with the launch of Fidesz, which began as a liberal student movement’. Measures taken to undermine Soros included a nationwide survey posted to every home in Hungary which, Witte reports, ‘asked a series of leading questions, including whether respondents supported the “Soros plan” to “resettle at least one million immigrants from Africa and the Middle East annually on the territory of the European Union, including Hungary’ (‘Once-fringe Soros Conspiracy Theory Takes Center Stage in Hungarian Election’).
 
15
Whilst Fidesz nominally stood to lose ground to a party that attracted over a million votes in the 2014 Parliamentary Elections (over 20 per cent of the overall vote), Jobbik’s rise contributed to a significant lowering of the tone of national discourse which in turn has served to normalise Fidesz’s move further to the right (Paterson, ‘Concerns as neo-Nazi Jobbik Party wins 20% of Vote’). This phenomenon is by no means exclusive to Central and Eastern Europe of course; witness, for example, how the emergence of UKIP precipitated a rightward swerve by the British Conservative Party which ultimately contributed to the Brexit referendum.
 
16
As Anniina Hyttinen and Lena Näre explain: ‘publically Fidesz condemns most of the proposals of Jobbik, but has later on implemented some of them’, a case in point being the first law amendment put forward by Fidesz in 2010 which granted Hungarian citizenship to all ethnic Hungarians living in neighbouring countries (‘Symbolic and Ritual Enactments of Nationalism’ 238).
 
17
Describing the moment that the 2015 refugee crisis arrived directly on Hungary’s borders, Liz Fekete writes: ‘Disturbing images relayed across the world showed riot police at the Hungarian-Serb border dispersing exhausted refugee families with tear-gas and water cannon while a video, uploaded onto Youtube, exposed guards throwing food at detainees in metal pens as though they were animals in cages’ (‘Hungary: Power, Punishment and the ‘Christian-National Idea’ 39).
 
18
On the contrary, Fidesz’s immigration stance arguably only contributed to increased electoral gains, with the party returning to power in the 2018 Hungarian general elections. It should be noted, however, that not all Hungarians are enamoured with Orbán, and a protest march the week after his re-election drew an estimated 100,000 people onto the streets of Budapest. In addition to its size, the crowd was noteworthy for its diversity, with Politico reporting that ‘young liberals, far-right Jobbik supporters, and pensioners all marched together [while] European Union flags could be seen alongside the red and white Arpad flag, associated with Hungary’s murderous World War II-era Arrow Cross regime’ (Bayer, ‘100,000 Hungarians March Against Viktor Orbán’).
 
19
In 2016, for example, the EU spent €4.546 billion in Hungary, with Hungary instead contributing less than a quarter of that figure (€0.924 billion) to that year’s EU budget (‘European Union: Hungary’).
 
20
In policy terms, a practical result of Orbán’s cultivation of closer relationships with Hungary’s fellow Visegrád members is the group’s ability to veto EU disciplinary sanctions against fellow members, for any such measures are dependent upon the consensus of all 28 member states.
 
21
Ida Harboe Knudsen writes that during the fourteenth century, the then Grand Duchy of Lithuania comprised ‘Belarus, Ukraine and parts of Poland and Russia. In 1569 Poland and Lithuania formed a new state, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth’ which endured for over two centuries before eventually being incorporated into the Russian Empire (New Lithuania in Old Hands ix).
 
22
In ‘Paradox of Lithuanian National Cinema’, Ingvoldstad argues that ‘the political and economic structure of Soviet film production calls for a rethinking of how we understand the function of national cinemas. Paradoxically, it appears that “Lithuanian national cinema” did in fact exist and was viable—but only at a time when the Lithuanian nation was still subsumed within the Soviet state’ (140).
 
23
As Jeannette Catsoulis writes in a review of the film for The New York Times: ‘Whatever else is going on in the psychedelic science-fiction tale “Vanishing Waves”, an unflattering portrait of the male psyche is front and center. With Aurora struggling for sensation and Lukas beginning to feel too much, we’re left with a single question: Who is awakening whom?’ (‘Lustful Pursuit of Sensory Overload’).
 
24
Vanishing Waves was part-funded by the Lithuanian Cultural Ministry and the Vilnius-based production company Tremora Films as well as production companies from Belgium (Les Films 2 Cinema) and France (Acajou Films). Eurimages, in turn, allocated €150,000 towards the film’s overall budget of €1,175,000, which also benefitted from the backing of the EU’s MEDIA programme (‘Co-Production Funding in 2010’).
 
25
The Brussels-based European Fantastic Film Festivals Federation, which draws its votes from 22 film festivals, created the Méliés d’Or awards in 1996 to ‘highlight the creativity and quality of European fantastic films, stimulate production and promote them worldwide’ (‘European Fantastic Film Festivals Federation’). Focussing upon European genre film, the federation links established festivals such as the Trieste Science+Fiction Festival, the Lund International Fantastic Film Festival, and the Brussels International Fantastic Film Festival and grants international exposure to sf and fantasy films that may otherwise be overlooked.
 
26
Festival exposure was central to Vanishing Waves’ rise in prominence, and on the back of such success, it got picked up by Philadelphia-based Artsploitation Films which oversaw the film’s distribution in America (Galetski, ‘Lithuanian Sci-Fi Film Gets U.S. Distribution’).
 
27
Here the film draws heavily upon iconography from films such as The Matrix (Lana and Lili Wachowski 1999) and Minority Report (Steven Spielberg 2002).
 
28
In 1999, the European Commission presented its second ‘Regular Report on Progress Towards Enlargement’, concluding that ‘formal accession negotiations with Lithuania should begin as soon as possible’. Previously, the commission had recommended that Lithuania not be among those countries with whom accession negotiations should be opened due to a need to stymy corruption and oversee continued reform of the Lithuanian judiciary (‘Briefing No 11 Lithuania and the Enlargement of the European Union’).
 
29
A simple example of the observer effect occurs when we consider that in order for us to see an object, we need to allow the same object to be hit by light, thereby at least nominally altering the conditions in which it exists.
 
30
At one point Lukas finds Aurora sitting in front of two mirrors, one reflecting her image and another his own, the symbolism underscored by her remarking that ‘sometimes I don’t recognise you. I like that’. The struggle for recognition and with it a claim on reality is reflected in the scene’s mise en scène which directly recalls arguably the key scene in World on a Wire when Fred Stiller (Klaus Löwitsch) is informed by his lover Eva Vollmer (Mascha Rabben) that his whole world is a simulation. Before them on the dressing table are three mirrors, none of which reflect the images of Stiller and Vollmer at the same time. Stiller, whose all-action, sexually aggressive persona suggests the caricature of a man in control, has his worst suspicions confirmed, namely, that he can be erased from the world with the press of a button, a turn of events Vollmer explains to him while she brushes her hair.
 
31
In her book, Movies and the Modern Psyche, Sharon Packer describes the aesthetic effects of The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari thusly: ‘Diagonal lines generally induce unease because they lack the stability of horizontal lines and are not grounded like vertical lines projecting from a surface. Everything in Caligari is set at an angle, and a deliberately disorienting angle at that’ (69).
 
32
Tellingly, Buožytė also links Lukas’ journeys into Aurora’s unconscious to his childhood, stating that ‘every connection was built on Lukas and what he experienced as a child. The bath—when the child comes up from the water—or when he sees very abstract shapes’ (Hough, ‘Sensory Deprivation and Cinema’).
 
33
Central to this reading is the striking image of Aurora that featured heavily in the marketing campaign for Vanishing Waves (adorning film posters, DVD, and Blu-ray covers). The image in question stems from an orgy scene at a party, which Aurora attends wearing a dress of deep EU blue. At her feet, an entangled physically indeterminate mass of naked bodies lays writhing on the floor, and although Lukas succeeds in prising himself away from the bodies, Aurora is grabbed at by random hands, her elusive form slowly subsumed by the collective. Naked from the waist up and standing above a mass of interlinked bodies, she pauses momentarily and stares defiantly ahead, a visual embodiment of Eugène Delacroix’s iconic French Revolutionary painting Liberty Leading the People (1830) amidst a sea of abject bodies.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
SF in the EU’s Newest Member States
verfasst von
Aidan Power
Copyright-Jahr
2018
Buch
Contemporary European Science Fiction Cinemas

Print ISBN: 978-3-319-89826-1

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-89827-8

Copyright-Jahr: 2018

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89827-8_3