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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

4. PIIGS to the Slaughter

verfasst von : Aidan Power

Erschienen in: Contemporary European Science Fiction Cinemas

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter examines how science fiction film has responded to the financial crisis in the Eurozone, with particular emphasis upon films from the so-called PIIGS nations of Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece, and Spain, all five of which were forced to implement ruinous austerity measures in exchange for the EU’s financial aid. Exploring the impact of the EU’s pursuance of a neoliberal agenda through the prism of science fiction, the chapter analyses the only sf film to emerge from Portugal during the crisis, before providing an industrial analysis of sf production in Ireland, the bulk of which curiously coincides with the advent of the economic crisis. In keeping with the continuing erosion of worker security across the EU in recent years, the chapter concludes with a study of precarity and the commodification of social life in The Last Man on Earth (Gianni Pacinotti 2011), a film that uses the trope of an impending alien invasion to shed light on latent inequalities across Italian society.

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Vorheriges Kapitel SF in the EU’s Newest Member States
Nächstes Kapitel PIIGS to the Slaughter II
Fußnoten
1
Sweden, which joined the EU in 1995 and did not secure an opt-out like its Danish neighbour, is nominally required to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM II) and with it the Eurozone but to date has also shown little inclination to do so.
 
2
In a book chapter entitled ‘The European Monetary Union: An Unfolding Disaster?’, J. Magnus Ryner writes of the deflationary debt trap faced by the so-called PIIGS: ‘the classical adjustment mechanism in such a situation is devaluation of the currency, but it is of course exactly this that is not possible in a monetary union’ (16).
 
3
Many economists refute the notion that any single factor is alone responsible for the Eurozone’s near collapse. For instance, James A. Caporaso and Martin Rhodes write that ‘in short, the crises bear all the marks of situations that befuddle analysts: multiple causation, interactions among variables and shifting parameters rather than simple additive causes, and multiple paths to the same outcomes’ (Political and Economic Dynamics of the Eurozone Crisis 4).
 
4
Mark Baimbridge and Philip Whyman observe that, while ‘the fact that member states in distress were all located in the Eurozone periphery and had large public deficits, suggested to many that the problem had been fiscal profligacy and, therefore, austerity and an enhanced stringency in curtailing national budget deficits were perceived to be significant elements of the solution’, the reality is far less straightforward. They continue: ‘It is not the case that all struggling member states had pre-existing budget deficits. Indeed, Ireland and Spain had budget surpluses, in the year before the financial crisis, whereas only Greece exhibited the type of budgetary ill-discipline that corresponds to this neo-liberal critique’ (Crisis in the Eurozone 148).
 
5
According to Brazys and Hardiman: ‘The “PIGS” terminology was preceded by the perhaps less unflattering, but still loaded, “Club Med” label, that, at times, variously omitted Greece or Italy and included France and/or Belgium. “Club Med” appears to have been coined no later than 1991 in the context of the EU Investment Services Directive (ISD) (Doty 1991) and has since been used to lump the aforementioned countries together’ (‘From “Tiger” to “PIIGS”’ 29).
 
6
Kamm himself attributed the acronym PIGS to a banker’s joke he had heard repeatedly (‘From “Tiger” to “PIIGS”’ 28).
 
7
Although initially used sporadically in the press, the term started to ‘pervade discourse with dozens of monthly appearances in December 2009 and January 2010, and hundreds of monthly uses from February 2010’ (‘From “Tiger” to “PIIGS”’ 30).
 
8
As Brazys and Hardiman note: ‘The classification cuts across quite different models of capitalism and different institutional configurations of democracy. The Southern European countries shared something in common in that economic growth depended on a strong state presence in the economy, shaping investments and generating demand stimulus, while the Irish growth model depended heavily on a low-tax, market-conforming approach to encouraging foreign direct investment’ (‘From “Tiger”’ 30).
 
9
Since the turn of the century, many such studies have emerged. See, amongst others that are too numerous to list in full here: Luisa Rivi’s European Cinema After 1989, Anne Jäckel’s European Film Industries, Rosalind Galt’s The New European Cinema: Redrawing the Map, Mike Wayne’s The Politics of Contemporary European Cinema: Histories, Borders, Diasporas, or edited collections by Tim Bergfelder, Sue Harris, and Sarah Street (Film Architecture and the Transnational Imagination), Catherine Fowler (The European Cinema Reader), Wendy Everett (European Identity in Cinema), and Mette Hjort and Scott MacKenzie (Cinema and Nation).
 
10
In January 2017, CNN reported that analysis conducted by Oxfam to coincide with that year’s World Economic Forum in Davos found that Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, Carlos Slim, Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg, Amancio Ortega, Larry Ellison, and Michael Bloomberg’s collective worth totalled a scarcely credible $426 billion, more than the combined wealth of the 3.6 billion people who constitute the poorest half of the world’s population (Kottasova, ‘These 8 Men are Richer than 3.6 billion People Combined’).
 
11
As David Harvey writes in Spaces of Neoliberalization: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development, neoliberalism ‘had long been lurking in the wings of public policy. But it was only during the troubled years of the 1970s that it began to move center stage […]. It gained respectability by the award of the Nobel Prize in economics to two of its leading proponents, [Friedrich August] von Hayek in 1974 and Milton Friedman in 1976’ (11).
 
12
In August 2017, the New York Times reported that the Chinese government had invested close to half a billion Euros in the Athenian Port of Piraeus, while that same summer The Guardian reported that Chinese companies were behind an $8 billion resort project outside Athens (Inman, ‘Greece Approves $8bn Chinese-Backed Resort Project Outside Athens’). Such investment the Times speculated, when coupled with the EU’s hard-line stance towards Greece, may have played a significant role in the Greek government’s voting against EU efforts to issue a unified statement against Chinese activities in the South Seas or its subsequent refusal to condemn human rights abuses in China (Horowitz and Alderman. ‘Chastised by EU, a Resentful Greece Embraces China’s Cash’). In 2011, meanwhile, China pledged to buy upward of €2.8 billion in Portuguese bonds and has maintained close ties with the country ever since (Coonan, ‘Euro Zone Debt Crisis Recovery of “Crucial’ Importance to China’).
 
13
Klein identifies Pinochet ally Margaret Thatcher’s exploitation of the Falklands conflict as another example of the shock doctrine in action while citing the fallouts from the war in Iraq and Hurricane Katrina as more contemporary examples (The Shock Doctrine). Friedman—who died in 2006—advocated for further deregulation of the Eurozone in his final interview that same year, arguing that for Europe to prosper, it should ‘imitate Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan; free markets in short’ (Friedman, ‘Free Markets and the End of History’).
 
14
In an interview with the independent Greek news service EnetEnglish, Klein observed that ‘Greeks have this particular fear that’s being exploited, around the fear of becoming a developing country, becoming a third world country. And I think in Greece there’s always been this sense of hanging on to Europe by a thread. And the threat is having that thread cut’ (Edmonds, ‘Is Greece in Shock?’).
 
15
Statistics compiled in Oxfam’s 2013 study illustrate this trend starkly: ‘In 2011, the number of new Portuguese emigrants almost doubled compared to 2010, from 23,760 to 43,998. However, the government acknowledged that the real figures might be twice those published officially, which would mean that almost 100,000 people left Portugal in 2011 alone’ (Oxfam).
 
16
Although both books were well received, they ‘did not change the market’ according to the online Encyclopedia of Science Fiction, which states ‘that in the twenty-first century no other major publisher has been willing to take a gamble on Portuguese SF; even those with a history of translating genre fiction’ (‘Portugal’).
 
17
Real Playing Game’s screenplay is in fact markedly similar to the German production Transfer (Damir Lukacevic 2010), which depicts a future wherein the moneyed elderly can extend their lives by swapping bodies with refugees.
 
18
While Hauer’s presence may be calculated to lend the film a tenuous link to the sf lineage of Blade Runner (his character’s surname Battier mnemonically recalls Blade Runner’s Roy Batty), it is probably more helpful to view the film in terms of other sf b-movies that the Dutchman recently acted in, such as 2047: Sights of Death (Alessandro Capone 2014) and The Broken Key (Louis Nero 2017).
 
19
As Sally Faulkner and Mariana Liz note: ‘After the Revolution, Portugal had to resolve two problems at the same time: first, how to devise a stable new order for itself and, second, how to put an end to its rule in Africa. The former concern was prioritised, which meant the Portuguese process of decolonization in Africa was little short of disastrous. There was no serious attempt to negotiate the terms of the handover for instance, Portugal never insisted on genuine elections being held. With no legal or economic framework in place, civil war was the obvious outcome, and indeed war broke out, first in Angola (1975–2002) and a few years later in Mozambique (1977–1992)’ (Portuguese Film: Colony, Postcolony, Memory 4–5).
 
20
In his monograph Irish Science Fiction, Fennell argues that ‘SF has been written by Irish authors for at least a hundred and fifty years (or longer, depending on the rigidity of one’s definition of the genre)’ (3): a trend that has, it seems, passed most Irish observers by.
 
21
A recent literary exception to this rule is Kevin Barry’s novel City of Bohane (2011), which takes place in a post-apocalyptic Ireland of 2053; yet it remains the case that analogous to the popular reception of auteur sf films in Europe, evaluations of the Irish literary canon tend to downplay the role of genre.
 
22
Writing about the 2013 release of Ruairí Robinson’s part-Irish co-production The Last Days on Mars, for example, the Irish Times film critic Donald Clarke opined that ‘It all seems hard to believe. Only a decade ago, it would have seemed inconceivable that such a project could have such significant Irish involvement. We didn’t build aircraft carriers. We didn’t launch space probes. And we certainly didn’t produce effects-based science-fiction pictures’ (‘The Irish Martians Launching a Surprise Cannes Invasion’).
 
23
Ireland’s ‘Film and TV Tax Credit’, also known as Section 481 of the nation’s tax laws, offers tax relief of up to 32 per cent on Irish-based expenditure and is applicable to ‘all cast and crew working in Ireland, regardless of nationality’ (‘Ireland’s 32% Tax Credit’).
 
24
For more contemporary examples of this trend, see, for example, Far and Away (Ron Howard 1992) or Leap Year (Anand Tucker 2010).
 
25
The Irish corporate tax rate of 12.5 per cent continues to be a major bone of contention within the EU, and successive Irish governments have strongly resisted moves to introduce a harmonisation of EU corporate tax rates. This issue came to a head in 2016, when a report by the European Commission concluded that Ireland had given illegal tax benefits to Apple amounting to €13billion, a fee that the Commission ordered Apple to repay. Apple, in collaboration with the Irish government, disputes the Commission’s findings and is currently appealing the ruling (‘State Aid: Ireland Gave Illegal Tax Benefits to Apple Worth up to €13 Billion’).
 
26
In a review for the Italian magazine Senza Soste, Marco Bruciati compares the film’s deployment of an alien invasion narrative with Michelangelo Antonioni’s idiosyncratic engagement with the mystery genre in The Adventure/L’avventura (1960). Nominally the latter film is about the disappearance of a young woman (Lea Massari), yet Antonioni quickly shifts focus from this seemingly central aspect of his plot in favour of essaying wider issues of alienation and existential angst amongst the Italian bourgeoisie (‘Ruggine, Terraferma, L’ultimo Terrestre. L’alieno nel cinema italiano’).
 
27
Marinelli also appears in the superhero movie They Call Me Jeeg/Lo chiamavano Jeeg Robot (Gabriele Mainetti 2015), a homage to the cult manga series Steel Jeeg and one of the few other sf-related Italian films of recent times.
 
28
Although over the last few years the situation is slowly improving, even on public television stations, such as RAI 1, it is still quite common practice to encounter afternoon quiz shows that fill breaks in the action with close-ups of dancing showgirls.
 
29
An editorial in The Economist credits ‘the tight fiscal policy of Mr Berlusconi’s finance minister, Giulio Tremonti’, for Italy’s ability to survive, claiming that ‘Ireland, not Italy, is the I in the PIGS (with Portugal, Greece and Spain). Italy avoided a housing bubble; its banks did not go bust’ (‘The Man Who Screwed an Entire Country’).
 
30
In 2011, Irish unemployment rates varied from 14.4 per cent (April and May) to 14.9 per cent (December) according to figures from the Central Statistics Office (‘Seasonally Adjusted Standardised Unemployment Rates’). By the end of the same year in Spain, the Spanish National Statistics Institute said that 5.3 million people were unemployed (‘Spain’s Unemployment Total Passes Five Million’).
 
31
This conversation satirises Italian football’s problematic history with racism and questions pertaining to the ‘Italianness’ of black players, such as Mario Balotelli, who, despite being born in Palermo, has frequently faced doubts in Italy about his supposed fitness to wear the Italian shirt. The level to which such attitudes are ingrained in Italian football can be gleaned from more recent events such as the banning of Italian Football Association President Carlo Tavecchio by the sport’s international executive FIFA in 2014, for allegedly stating that prior to their arrival in Italy, African players were ‘eating bananas’ (‘Italian FA President Carlo Tavecchio Banned Over “Banana Eaters” Comment’), or a year later, when the celebrated former Italy and AC Milan coach Arrigo Sacchi was quoted in the Italian media as saying: ‘I would say that there are too many black players. Italy has no dignity, no pride. It should not be possible that our teams should have 15 foreign players in the squad’ (‘I’m Not Racist But…’).
 
32
Onscreen and in the end credits, Luca’s father (who is played by Roberto Herlitzka) is never given a name but instead referred to only as ‘padre di Luca’.
 
33
‘In Italy, which counts as one of the ‘oldest’ populations in Europe, 18.3% of citizens above the age of 65 (2.1 million people) are in need of full or part-time assistance’ (Di Santo and Ceruzzi, ‘Migrant Care Workers in Italy: A Case Study’ 4).
 
34
Women make up 87 per cent of all foreign care workers and 96 per cent amongst Italian care workers (Di Santo and Ceruzzi, ‘Migrant Care Workers in Italy’ 10).
 
35
‘By 30 September 2009, the legal regularisation of family assistants and housekeeping personnel was concluded. According to the Italian Home Office that had expected between 500,000 and 750,000 applications to be submitted’ [only] ‘about 295,000 had applied: mainly Ukrainian (42,000), Moroccan (38,000), Moldovan (29,000) and Chinese (22,000) workers. This suggests that a lot of employees decided to keep working in the black economy, either for financial reasons or through fear’ (Di Santo and Ceruzzi, ‘Migrant Care Workers in Italy’ 7). It would be imprudent to suggest, however, that in all instances exploitation by families is a factor. Exploitation, instead, is endemic in the system: for many financially stretched Italian families denied adequate state services, paying additional taxes and social insurance contributions is not possible.
 
36
A 2013 report in Reuters is exemplary: ‘Faced with soaring unemployment and declining economic activity, young Italians are following previous generations in seeking their fortunes abroad, disillusioned by an economy in which graduates must often take precarious and menial jobs’ (Jucca, ‘Italy’s Best Are Emigrating at Time of Crisis’).
 
37
A report released by SVIMEZ, the Association for the Development of Industry in the South, noted that if these trends continued, only 5 million people between 15 and 34 will be left in the south by 2050, compared with the current figure of 7 million, meaning over 75s ‘would represent 18% of the total population, up from 8% currently’ (Ridet, ‘Economic Exodus from Southern Italy’).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
PIIGS to the Slaughter
verfasst von
Aidan Power
Copyright-Jahr
2018
Buch
Contemporary European Science Fiction Cinemas

Print ISBN: 978-3-319-89826-1

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-89827-8

Copyright-Jahr: 2018

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89827-8_4