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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

5. The Changing Problem of Regional Development Finance in Latin America

verfasst von : Leonardo E. Stanley, José M. Fernández Alonso

Erschienen in: Regionalism, Development and the Post-Commodities Boom in South America

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

By the turn of twenty-first century, LA countries—South American ones, especially—were benefited by a “commodity boom”, which brought vast political and economic adjustments. One of the issues the mentioned process altered was development financing, as economies were lift now from constraints imposed in the past. During the surge of commodity prices, South American governments envisioned a new type of development financing paradigm, based on an “endogenous” and/or “autonomist” perspective. Additionally, the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as an emerging power provided new resources to the sub-region countries. Financing necessities were unconsidered during the apogee of these international processes. However, the downturn of commodity prices, the deceleration of Chinese economy, and the persistence of low savings ratio re-installed the issue of development financing gaps in policy-maker circles. This chapter aims to evaluate the old and new challenges imposed by external development financing.

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Fußnoten
1
We do not consider donor funds, as benefited countries are not entitled to their repayment.
 
2
Helleiner (2014) describes Harry D. White’s efforts to addressing this topic at Bretton Woods meetings. Interestingly, US involvement in the Latin American region during the late 30s and early 40s becomes crucial to embrace this vision—missions in which White himself and Robert Triffin were especially involved. These initiatives, in turn, were part of the famous Good Neighbor policy toward the region installed by US President F.D. Roosevelt in the 30s.
 
3
The 1998 Asian financial crisis was a significant event, signaling the beginning of a worldwide movement to condemn the challenges imposed by unchartered capital flows—including massive support for re-introducing capital controls. In any case, industrialized countries led by the USA continued to push for market deregulation and capital account openness.
 
4
Currency swaps can be viewed as a credit line that both sides can draw upon at a pre-determined exchange rate. US Fed liquidity swaps lines are essentially repo transactions based on prevailing exchange rates, whereas China’s bilateral currency swap agreements are designed to facilitate settlements in renminbi.
 
5
The swap was initially supposed to last three years and allowed Argentina to pay Chinese imports with RMB, but Argentina used up most of it in the first two years, bringing in RMBs to boost the country’s foreign-currency reserves, which had been on the decline (Buenos Aires Herald, Wednesday 25 December 2015).
 
6
Previously, the CDB issued an RMB bond in London (RMB 2 billion), the first by a quasi-sovereign outside of China. The UK government issued a landmark RMB bond (RMB 3 billion), the first non-Chinese issuance of sovereign RMB debt https://​www.​gov.​uk/​government/​news/​china-chooses-london-for-its-first-ever-sovereign-renminbi-rmb-bond-issued-outside-of-china
 
7
China’s Xi woos Latin America with $250 bln investments” Reuters. January 8, 2015.
 
8
The role of China’s development finance in the “Africa rising” history is certainly crucial. Guinea, a newly independent socialist government in the early 60s, obtained an interest free loan from the PRC, a practise that expanded to other newly-decolonized African states. Years later, China participated in the TanZam railway between Tanzania and Zambia, which involved the participation of Chinese public works companies but also public funds from China.
 
9
Chinese (financial development) involvement in the region, on the other hand, remained weak as most LA governments preferred to side with the USA. Henceforth, it was the Nixon – Mao deal that permitted Sino—LA political relations to be resumed.
 
10
As noted by Xu and Carey, the dual role initiated in the 80s (as donor as well as receiver) permitted Chinese leaders to learn a key lesson: foreign aid could play a catalytic role in economic transformation (Xu and Carey 2015a, b: 5).
 
11
By the time LA’s countries were relaying in IFIs and private markets, China’s increasing relevance was circumscribed to the commercial realm.
 
12
Although it still occurs, competing for recognition no longer dictates Chinese financing abroad- as can be observed by loans granted to various projects in a few pro-Taiwanese countries.
 
13
The ADBC is the third policy bank installed as part of financial reforms of the mid-90s, and falls under policy control of the State Council, as in the case of the other two banks.
 
14
Concessional loans are not interest free, but they have a rate below the market rate (PBC lending rate).
 
15
One of the most recognized cases is Petrobras, for which the CDB granted two different loans, one in 2009 (US$10 billions) and another one in 2015 (US$3,5 billions), for which the Brazilian oil giant guaranteed the supply of up to 200,000 barrels of oil a day to China’s state oil firm, SINOPEC, for 10 years (http://​www.​reuters.​com/​article/​us-brazil-petrobras-china-idUSKCN0W001T).
 
16
According to the UNCTAD, China’s total outward FDI has skyrocketed over the last 10 years, going from a mere US$5.5 billion in 2004 to US$101 billion in 2013.
 
17
Thilo Hanemann and Daniel Rosen (2016) “Lower for Longer: The New Normal of China’s FDI Balance” The Rodhium Group June 17, 2016.
 
18
In 2015, total loans from China’s developmental banks (CDB and Export-Import Bank of China) reached US$550 billion, a multiple of the WB’s roughly US$150 billion.
 
19
Chinese OFDI flows are difficult to measure, as most outward funds are being channeled through tax heavens—such as the Virgin Islands for those directed to LA.
 
20
In the region, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Brazil participated, with an amount of US$59 billion during the 2008–2012 period, although most benefiting Venezuela (US$44 billions).
 
21
The State Council has produced two different guidelines, namely White Papers; one in 2011 and the latest one in 2014. These policy guides are essential to understand the philosophy of Chinese foreign aid practises.
 
22
Nowhere to hide: China’s newest exports is its financial system, for good and for ill”. Special Report: Finance in China—The Economist, May 7th, 2016.
 
23
This “multilateral development bank” that consists of 57 members, at present, will focus on the development of infrastructure and other productive sectors in Asia (http://​www.​aiib.​org).
 
24
Also with headquarters in Shanghai, this bank initiates operations with US$50 billion in capital (http://​ndbbrics.​org/​index.​html).
 
25
Launched in December 2014, this initiative started operations with a US$1.65 billion hydro project in Pakistan.
 
26
The conformation of the SCO or Shanghai Pact dates from 1996, and by 2001 it was comprised of China and five other central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan). The Silk Route Initiative gave a renewed impetus to this organization. Note that Russia opposed the SCO Development Bank, suggesting that funds would be better mediated by Eurasian Development Bank it controls (http://​www.​eurasianet.​org/​node/​72701).
 
27
Four Chinese banks are among the top ten leading banks according to the Banker’s latest global ranking—two of them leading: ICBC and China’s Construction Bank.
 
28
Following Prime Minister Li Kequiang’s speech to the African Union (May, 2014), China created the “African Growing Together Fund” with US$2 billion of initial assets, financed by the PBC.
 
29
More information can be found on http://​www.​chinacelacforum.​org/​eng/​.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Changing Problem of Regional Development Finance in Latin America
verfasst von
Leonardo E. Stanley
José M. Fernández Alonso
Copyright-Jahr
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62551-5_5

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