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Erschienen in:
Studying the Transfer and Learning of Careful Urban Renewal in a Chinese City Kapitel lesen Erstes Kapitel lesen

2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

3. The Chinese Paradigm of Urban Renewal in the Early 2000s

verfasst von : Giulia C. Romano

Erschienen in: Changing Urban Renewal Policies in China

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

In this chapter, the author introduces the practices of urban renewal in China in the early 2000s. It focuses on the plans and policies of the Old City of Yangzhou, as well as on the local practices of urban renewal and conservation. It also introduces the main structural forces that support these same practices, which are not only exclusive to Yangzhou, but can be found in many other localities in China. These forces can be ascribed to four major reforms introduced by the central government during the 1980s–1990s that considerably increased the competences of local governments in city development and pushed them to invest money and efforts in transforming substantially the aspect and life of Chinese cities.

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Vorheriges Kapitel A Research Framework to Capture the Complexity of Policy Transfers
Nächstes Kapitel Introducing a New Paradigm: The Delivery of Careful Urban Renewal to Yangzhou
Fußnoten
1
For instance, in 1992 the Ministry of Construction (now Ministry of Housing and Urban and Rural Development – MoHURD) established the “National Garden City Programme”. In 2010 the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) established the “low-carbon cities programme”.
 
2
Elements obtained from interviews.
 
3
Free translation from Chinese.
 
4
He was charged with bribery and abuse of power, accused of having favoured some real estate developers in obtaining land-use rights, in speeding up demolition processes and in increasing their floor area ratio during his mandates in Yangzhou and Nanjing.
 
5
As opposed to this area of the province, Yangzhou (and other cities of northern and central Jiangsu) benefitted from less domestic and international investments.
 
6
As underlined by Yu Li (2014, pp. 200–201), competitiveness goes hand in hand with city marketing, reason for which the UDSPs play an important role in the whole marketing process of the city.
 
7
Free translation from Chinese.
 
8
Interview 2014.
 
9
Although rural migrants are not exactly considered to be the beneficiaries of the improved socio-economic conditions that came with the reform, so do not really have any impact on the high segments of the housing market (cf. Friedmann 2007), they nevertheless contributed and still contribute to urban growth and demographic pressure on city spaces.
 
10
Extra-budgetary funds represent a large category of various revenues (e.g. administrative charges and business charges, funds for special purposes, etc.) and are managed and allocated by “different agencies and organisations” (Zhang 1999, p. 123). Self-raised funds include various types of fees levied by local governments, like ad hoc charges to fund specific government projects, fines, surcharges on services and profits from the activities of township and village enterprises, as well as various donations and contributions from local entrepreneurs and individual citizens (Tsai 2004; Tsui and Wang 2004). This second type of funds are at the heart of many conflicts with the population. Local governments, always in need of money and personnel in the administration, invent new arbitrary fees. Known as “predatory charges”, these fees lead to an exasperation of the relationships between the administration and urban or rural inhabitants (Tsui and Wang 2004; Zhang 1999).
 
11
For the complete list, see Qiu (2014).
 
12
Lilong are composed of narrow lanes and rows of brick houses in various styles. Mixing Western and Chinese features, a typical housing type characteristic of lilong areas and of “old Shanghai” landscapes was the shikumen (石库门), particularly visible on the structure of buildings and decorative elements. They represent typical constructions of colonial Shanghai.
 
13
In expert interviews as well as in literature, Lijiang is often portrayed as an example of excessive focus on the touristic use of the old city that led to the displacement of residents and to their being replaced by business activities run by non-locals (Qiu 2014; Su 2010, 2015). As for Pingyao, despite having dedicated its main roads to commercial-touristic functions, still preserves an important part of its heritage and original population within the walls of the old city (personal observations).
 
14
Fieldwork observations.
 
15
Interview 2014.
 
16
Urban land is exclusive property of the state, while private owners only have land-use rights.
 
17
The first version of the Regulations on Demolitions, promulgated in 1991, “guaranteed local governments the authority and power to issue demolition permits without seeking residents’ consent and to enforce demolition in case of disputes” (Weinstein and Ren 2009, p. 413). Their revised version of 2001 was a response to “widespread resistance against urban renewal”, making some more requirements to developers, but they did not change “the uneven power balance” (ibid.). Consultations with residents were not required and it was still possible to proceed with forced demolitions. Instead, the 2001 regulations weakened households even more, as their promulgation legitimised demolitions. Hence, developers use these regulations for forced evictions (Wu 2004, p. 458; cf. also Feng 2011).
 
18
Interviews 2014.
 
19
Interviews 2014.
 
20
Free translation from Chinese.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Chinese Paradigm of Urban Renewal in the Early 2000s
verfasst von
Giulia C. Romano
Copyright-Jahr
2020
Buch
Changing Urban Renewal Policies in China

Print ISBN: 978-3-030-36007-8

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-36008-5

Copyright-Jahr: 2020

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36008-5_3

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