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Erschienen in:
Introduction: The City as a Multifaceted and Dynamic Constitutional Entity Kapitel lesen Erstes Kapitel lesen

2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

11. The City of London: Dominance, Democracy, and the Rule of Law?

verfasst von : Paul Burgess

Erschienen in: European Yearbook of Constitutional Law 2020

Verlag: T.M.C. Asser Press

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Abstract

London has been, historically, the unchallenged cultural, political, and legal centre of power in the UK. Yet, despite its dominance, it was unable to dominate the processes associated with the UK’s departure from the EU. In this short comment, I argue that the inability of the city to dominate the not-city—the term I adopt to describe everywhere in the UK that is not part of the city as described here—can, and should, be seen in Rule of Law positive terms.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Topical Storm Approaching: Regulating Public Assemblies and Responding to Online Falsehoods in the City State of Singapore
Nächstes Kapitel Accelerating Cities, Constitutional Brakes? Local Authorities Between Global Challenges and Domestic Law
Fußnoten
1
The exact figures were 16,141,241 votes for remaining, and 17,410,742 votes for leaving. There were 33,551,983 valid votes from an electorate of 46,500,001 voters. Turnout was 72.2%. See: Electoral Commission 2019.
 
2
I explain the boundaries and meaning of ‘Greater London’ below. Even within Greater London there was variation. Some areas clearly voted ‘leave’. However, the overall percentage of the electorate in London that voted to remain was one of the highest. (Only Scotland and Gibraltar had higher percentages of remain votes.) For a useful summary, see London Datastore 2019a.
 
3
Precisely, they represent 11.256% (3,776,751 valid votes in Greater London, in relation to the 33,551,983 valid votes cast nationally. Electoral Commission 2019).
 
4
Derived from the raw data provided by the Electoral Commission. See Electoral Commission 2019.
 
5
For some examples of this work, see Travers 2003; James and Quaglia 2019.
 
6
This encompasses counties of Greater London and the City of London. My use of ‘the City’ in this chapter is not reflective of the much smaller area of ‘the City of London’. My use of ‘the City’ in describing the much broader conurbation of London is adopted merely for explanatory convenience.
 
7
Several sources have been used to provide this basic overview: Sheppard 1998; Barron 2004; Harris 1990; Besant 2013.
 
8
Sheppard 1998, p. 35.
 
9
See, for example, Krygier 2015; Endicott 2016; Fernández-Villaverde 2015.
 
10
Whilst other cities were also granted their liberties and customs, only London is specifically singled out. The Translated text reads: ‘And the city of London is to have all its ancient liberties and free customs, both on land and water. Moreover we wish and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns and ports are to have all their liberties and free customs.’ See The Magna Carta Project 2019b.
 
11
This is also described as a suffix to the document. See Magna Carta Project 2019a. It is also suggested that the barons’ capture of London prior to the document being signed was instrumental in convincing the King to agree to the document’s terms. Sheppard 1998, p. 91 (fn 84).
 
12
For an excellent example of London’s influence, see Harris 1990.
 
13
Sheppard 1998, p. 252. See also Tomkins and Scott 2015.
 
14
King’s Bench UK, Entick v. Carrington, judgement of 2 November 1765. This case is a fundamental staple in teaching the Rule of Law in Public Law subjects across the UK. However, it is little known outside of the UK. See Burgess 2016; Tomkins and Scott 2015.
 
15
Sheppard 1998, p. 127 (fn 3).
 
16
Sheppard 1998, pp. 250–251 (fn 4), and p. 290 (fn 4).
 
17
In relation to voter reform—in 1832, 1884–5, and 1867 increasing MPs for the metropolitan area—see Sheppard 1998, pp. 296–97.
 
18
London population figures, from a variety of sources, are collated in these terms in the Appendices to Sheppard’s text: Sheppard 1998, sec. Appendix 1 and 2.
 
19
This is based on a population estimate at 2016. See London Datastore 2019b; Office for National Statistics 2019.
 
20
There are, expectedly, clear differences across the various Greater London electorates. For a visualisation, see: London Datastore 2019a.
 
21
Calculation has been required to obtain the percentages expressed in this paragraph. The data in the table and the following paragraphs are available in raw form at: Electoral Commission 2019; London Datastore 2019c.
 
22
On any view, Greater London—together with other regions like Scotland that expressed a similarly strong opinion—sought to remain in the EU. Seven of the ten areas with the highest percentage of remain votes were in Greater London.
 
23
To clarify, this is either the difference between 53.4 and 40.1 (the leave votes for the not-city and City respectively), or 46.6 and 59.9 (the remain votes for the not-city and city respectively).
 
24
This difference would be even starker if City votes were contrasted with only the rest of England and Wales (and strong remain sentiments in Scotland and Northern Ireland are removed).
 
25
This is apparent when the difference between either the leave or remain not-city vote is compared to the leave or remain votes for the national vote; i.e. this is the difference between either 53.4 and 51.9, or between 46.6 and 48.1.
 
26
The actual percentage of the national population that Greater London would need to reach is 25.45442%. This is calculated based on the valid votes and voting percentages in the City and not-City expressed above. It does not change if the increased percentage for the City comes from either simply adding voters to the City (more than doubling the valid votes in the City from 3,776,751, to 10,167,083) or if the national voting population is maintained and the percentage of valid votes between the City and not-City is merely altered (where the City voting population would need to be increased to 8,540,462).
 
27
In support of the idea that the Rule of Law is essentially contested, it is common to refer to Waldron’s article. Waldron 2002. Martin Krygier also identified this trend in Krygier 2016, p. 1. Notwithstanding any debate regarding its essential contestedness, it is clear its content is highly contested. Krygier 2014, p. 1. See also Burgess 2017; Burgess 2019.
 
28
Burgess 2019.
 
29
See, for example, Locke 1988, II §135; Dicey 1979, pp. 188–198 and pp. 202–203; Aristotle 1981, para 1287aI. For secondary commentators reflecting on this, see, for example, Bedner 2010, p. 50; Krygier 2017, p. 39.
 
30
A rich literature exists regarding the Rule of Law’s elements. See Burgess 2017; Bedner 2010. The road signs arise in a large number of other usual suspects’ accounts. See, for example, those cited in note 29.
 
31
Dicey 1979, pp. 328–29. In comparing the Rule of Law and Droit Administratif, Dicey takes issue with the French system.
 
32
I focus on direct democratic processes as this forms the core of the chapter. Non-direct processes, for now, must be left to one side.
 
33
See for example, Shklar 1987, p. 1. It is suggested that the ‘good vibrations’ associated with the Rule of Law have resulted in its use for a variety of ends. Waldron 2015, p. 61.
 
Literatur
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Besant W (2013) History of London. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, Scotts Valley
Burgess P (2016) Should Entick v. Carrington Be on Our Rule of Law Radar? Jus Politicum 16:281–90
Burgess P (2017) The Rule of Law: Beyond Contestedness. Jurisprudence 8(3):480–500
Burgess P (2019) The Rule of Lore in the Rule of Law: Putting the Problem of the Rule of Law in Context. Hague Journal on the Rule of Law 12:333–361
Dicey A V (1979) Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution. Palgrave Macmillan UK, London
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Metadaten
Titel
The City of London: Dominance, Democracy, and the Rule of Law?
verfasst von
Paul Burgess
Copyright-Jahr
2021
Buch
European Yearbook of Constitutional Law 2020

Print ISBN: 978-94-6265-430-3

Electronic ISBN: 978-94-6265-431-0

Copyright-Jahr: 2021

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-431-0_11

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