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Erschienen in: Studies in Comparative International Development 4/2017

09.08.2017

The Politics of Institutional Choice Across Sub-Saharan Africa: Presidential Term Limits

verfasst von: Kristin McKie

Erschienen in: Studies in Comparative International Development | Ausgabe 4/2017

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Abstract

During the transitions to multipartyism that began in the late 1980s, presidential term limits were adopted into the constitutions of a majority of sub-Saharan African states. Yet, a sizable minority of African governments resisted implementing such restrictions on executive power. How can this variation be explained? This article proposes an expanded strategic choice approach that posits that the degree of electoral uncertainty affects institutional choice in cases of controlled, unilateral constitutional revisions (which were common across Africa) just as much as it shapes institutional choice in situations of cooperative constitution-making through bargaining and pact-making. Based on this logic, I argue that term limits were adopted as an electoral insurance mechanism in all cases where constitutional drafters perceive the degree of future electoral uncertainty to be high, regardless of whether the constitutional review process is cooperative or controlled. Alternatively, term limits are eschewed in cases where one unified party fully controls the constitutional review process and also perceives that they will win elections into the foreseeable future. The argument is tested through a statistical analysis of the determinants of term limit choice across all relevant sub-Saharan cases.

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Fußnoten
1
In other regions, these types of controlled transitions have been dubbed “noncooperative” transitions in the post-communist zone (McFaul 2002) and “imposed” transitions in Latin America (Karl, 1990, p. 9).
 
2
While the causal impact of controlled versus pacted transitions on the quality/consolidation of democracy writ large has been studied (see Bratton and van de Walle (1997) on sub-Saharan African and McFaul (2002) on the post-communist region), there has been little research to date directly comparing the specific political institutional forms adopted during controlled versus cooperative constitution-writing processes.
 
3
France did not adopt presidential term limits until 2008.
 
4
The few countries that did adopt presidential term limits at independence (which were soon repealed by incoming authoritarian governments) include Rwanda, Togo, Somalia, and Congo-Léopoldville (DRC).
 
5
Some states did adopt term limits for a (usually very briefly) period during the 1970s–80s, including Comoros, Mali, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Nigeria, Ghana, Central African Republic, and Tanzania.
 
6
However, there is some variation; for example, the constitution of Seychelles specifies a three-term limit, Nigerian presidents serve two terms of only 4 years each, and until 2016, Senegal had a 7-year term, renewable once.
 
7
Note that the ruling party retaining control over the constitution-writing process does not necessarily mean that the regime unilaterally controlled the entire transition process (of which constitution writing is just one phase).
 
8
I use the term “group” here because, even though incumbents led all “controlled” cases in this analysis, theoretically one unified opposition force could have unilateral control, for example in cases of the total breakdown of the incumbent party. The closest example is Namibia under SWAPO (the main opposition force to South African occupation that dominated the transition after independence) who did not want to adopt term limits and only did so “in the spirit of give and take” and to “alleviate the concerns” of the few smaller parties that had a handful of seats in the constituent assembly (Geingob 2010, p. 94). However, the strong implication is that, if SWAPO had controlled the constitution-writing process unilaterally, the party would not have adopted term limits.
 
9
Such cases are less rare than one might initially assume. Kenya and Burundi are both good examples of incumbent regimes that were able to control constitutional reforms but who, due to their ethnic minority status, correctly perceived a real chance that their party would lose a multiparty election.
 
10
These earlier cases of term limit adoption are not included in the present analysis because they occurred during very different theoretical circumstances from the democratic transitions under study here. Namely, they were adopted during sustained single-party rule when one leader was voluntarily retiring or had died and the presidency was being passed to another figure within the party. In such cases, it is likely that the adoption of term limits was used as a way to head off infighting among party members over the succession.
 
11
There are a handful of countries (including Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Zimbabwe, and others) that today have term limits but that are coded as “non-adopters” because they did not adopt them prior to the first multiparty elections of the 1990s.
 
12
My coding is almost identical to Widner’s, with differences in coding primarily occurring in cases where there were multiple “rounds” of constitutional revision in a short span of time in a country, and I code one round while Widner codes another.
 
13
In some cases when an inclusive constitutional review body drafted a revised constitution, the sitting single-party legislature still had to promulgate it. In virtually none of these cases did the legislature substantively changed the amendments (including those adopting term limits) that cooperative bodies had negotiated for inclusion. Thus, I code such cases as cooperative constitution-writing.
 
14
For the few presidential elections that were boycotted, I use the difference in seat share percentage in the nearest legislative elections between the winning party and second-place party instead of the skewed data from the presidential election. Seat share, rather than vote share, is used because vote share data is not available for Togo.
 
15
The lag of two years was chosen because it allows enough time to elapse for Freedom House enumerators to gain a clear sense of the political environment after the election, but is still near enough in time to the transition to be causally related to the strategies of the actors driving political change.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Politics of Institutional Choice Across Sub-Saharan Africa: Presidential Term Limits
verfasst von
Kristin McKie
Publikationsdatum
09.08.2017
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Studies in Comparative International Development / Ausgabe 4/2017
Print ISSN: 0039-3606
Elektronische ISSN: 1936-6167
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-017-9252-z

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