The Power of Perceptions in the Middle East

In 1916, Western forces took control of the Arab region leading to a persistent project of colonisation. One of the first steps being the elimination of the Syrian National Congress, the first democratic Arab institution which originally included members from Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Jordan. This was the first face of Western colonialism which would appear in many different forms up to and including the present day. The most prominent historical events illustrate the history of major international conflicts in the ME and the multiple interests in the region. The transition of the region after the decline of the Ottoman Empire’s influence is considered a disastrous event to demarcate the modern states of the ME from certain people’s perspectives. This chapter presents a brief overview of the historical sequences following WWI starting from the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the Arab countries, through to the Western colonisation of the region and the so-called “liberation” from colonialism. A methodological division of the Arab World from the point of view of others is a product of colonialism, international agreements, or as some argue, ulterior global motives. This chapter is an essential preface for the reader in order to understand the sequence of events that follow in the next chapters.

The clash of capitalism with the Ottoman Empire to secure the first interests and fulcrums of capitalism in the region was not a smooth transition. Ruling the region by new forces was a catastrophic process that moved the MENA region from one form of colonialism to another. The corruption of the authorities and the subsequent revolutions, the ethnic cleansing of the indigenous peoples in the region, is a calamitous sequence. This leads to devastation on several fronts, political, economic, social, demographic, cultural and psychological. In this chapter, the focus will be on two ongoing issues: the fate of Kurds and the Palestinians. This is a designed concatenation to control the goods and the resources of the ME for as long as possible. That was facilitated by an intensification of public ignorance, social backwardness, political tyranny, and generally duping the people to act against their own interests. In addition to the economic aspects, this chapter will also seek to cover the oft-ignored human development indicators. This chapter draws upon a connection between the historical events and the potential ideological conflict and struggle in the region. It shows that the accumulative experience in the region is the result of believing in carefully manipulated perceptions. All dependent on the deliberate tampering of the individual’s mental well being accompanied by weak and superficial policies and military rule, both leading only to destruction. Unecessary destruction could be avoided to protect the manmade reality. Have inexperienced politicians fallen into this trap or they are a vital extension of the real plans and the future ideological struggle?

The history of the Middle East is like a ship rocking from the winds of inclination from both ancient and modern civilisations. Beginning at ‘behind the two rivers civilisation’ with Ancient Mesopotamia and the Pharaonic civilisation in today’s Iraq and Egypt, ending with the 4IR era as the peak of current advancement. This chapter is an attempt to investigate who owns the political decision in the ME, analysing the dynamics of the forces that rule the world and shape the retreat of some forces in the region, as well as the beginning of the advancement of other powers in light of the great re-set initiative. This chapter also explains the reasons behind the political leaders perceiving the whole global system differently from their own people. Moreover, this chapter discusses the strategic use of language in the political and economic form, where new terms and concepts emerge all the time and replace the ancient ones. ‘The Middle East’ itself being a notable example. Using language as a tool to create new common sense which contributes to change reality that reshape the accumulative awareness of people.

This chapter demonstrates the roots of the administrative and political divisions among several civilisations that are also intertwined with the current proposed geopolitical divisions in the ME. In light of the acceleration of current events due to ever worsening crises and inner conflicts in the ME, solutions have become targeted towards confederations and a re-division of the region as the end acceptable solution to restore peace. One can no longer deny that the internationally recognised borders of the ME countries have changed on a grassroots level where many groups are no longer believe in these borders, especially after the war on Iraq in 2003, the war on Syria in 2011, and the consequent control and geographical divisions on the ground. Thus, some voices call for independence for the persecuted ethnic minorities who were failed to be considered in any post-WWI agreements. Political players on the regional and local place are still attracted to the political function of the geopolitical borders, not being aware of what I refer to as the ‘digital classifications’ that may become a catalyst in creating a new definition of borders and its symbols. Where the new identity for people becomes which digital classification are you operating on. Among all these transitions on what I call a ‘geo-tech’ scale, there are still doubts that the minorities will be able to achieve real independence as they are still limited to their current traditional liberation methods. Will they fall into a worse trap than the Sykes-Picot trap. That might be discovered in another hundred years?

The fourth industrial revolution has often been described as “a new chapter in human development”, therefore shifting the focus of investment towards economic and human prosperity in a sustainable manner of growth. While this era certainly creates huge potential, it also creates great risk, particularly for the ME. A region that struggles to strike the balance between its vast natural resources use and its capability to be competitive on a global level under the knowledge-based economy.

This chapter presents the current technological progress towards AI among other manifestations of the industrial revolution. On the one hand, there is strong debate about the rate and benefits of this technology. However, it cannot be denied that the AI era will eventually be of more strategic importance than oil. This should be a catalyst that changes the pace and focus of regional leaders’ operations and negotiations.

As established, there are rather significant differences between the countries in the region in terms of global competition. Some countries like the United Arab Emirates have demonstrated themselves to be significant regional players. With the rate of technology accelerating, the question persists as to whether the people are ready for such a stark transition regardless of how developed their economies and societies are.

The education system gets more difficult considering the complications and conditions that the ME has been experiencing for a century. The education system in areas where there is political strife necessitates methodical formulation of policies to ensure access to education. This chapter highlights four aspects, the educational system’s perception, the educational providers’ perspectives, the engaged individuals’ perception, and the transformation perspective in light of digitalising education. In the 4IR, digital education, in particular, is a decisive asset in establishing a transitional economy where long term partnership, engagement with the external expertise, assuring transparency, as well as skilled workforce are fundamental requirements discussed in this chapter.

The ‘post chaos’ stage will change the course of investment and open up promising economic opportunities that improve all elements of life at the individual and the national levels if the opportunities are seized. The ingredients and resources in the ME are a fertile ground for the expansion of new industries, which is one of the main pillars of launching the new world order with its constant struggles and competitions. This chapter discusses the risks that stand in the face of prosperity and the importance of national branding to face these risks. With emphasis on the Digital ME initiatives that should allow Egypt, for example, to become one of the biggest economies by 2030. It discusses the contemporary role of international financial support in the region. This raises two questions; what is the role of global institutions in the region is and who will finally be responsible for the reconstruction of the destroyed areas. This chapter emphasises the role of entrepreneurship and innovation among youth and women towards self-sufficiency and sustainable development. A case study on women’s role in enhancing sustainable development in the ME and its relationship to the surrounding variables including digitalising is presented and discussed. It concluded that the importance of changing the way a citizen perceives the same variables and assets around is indeed a life and a social change to the benefit of the people.

This chapter draws upon the future perspectives, particularly ones that urge the exploration of new methods on how to respond to the current situation. This chapter will take a particular focus on identifying visions and goals for the post-transition era through Critical thinking, new models, methodologies, and solutions are suggested.

People in the MENA must solve their domestic and regional issues like corruption in leadership and underdevelopment. The era of scapegoating is over and no longer yields the desired reaction from the people who are demanding genuine change.

This final chapter will not only serve as a summary of the diverse issues, new terms and phases of transition taking place in the region, but I will propose some models when analysing and predicting outcomes in the future.