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Erschienen in: Human Rights Review 3/2018

17.07.2018 | Book Review

Unpacking the Relationship Between Sovereignty, Democracy, and Human Rights

verfasst von: Brad R. Roth

Erschienen in: Human Rights Review | Ausgabe 3/2018

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Excerpt

Jamie Mayerfeld’s The Promise of Human Rights is a timely corrective to persistent misconceptions about international human rights law’s relationship to United States sovereignty and democracy. At a moment when “American Exceptionalism” has re-emerged, in a new and crasser form, as a normative challenge to compliance with international legal constraints, Mayerfeld reminds us of American democracy’s roots in a Madisonian tradition that emphasizes the complex challenges of self-government and the need for checks on the concentration of power. Mayerfeld correctly notes that national sovereignty, far from precluding international legal obligations, is precisely what is exercised in the undertaking of such obligations (Mayerfeld 2016, p. 219), and that the George W. Bush Administration’s evasion of international standards in its prosecution of the Global War on Terrorism – most blatantly, in regard to detainee treatment – represented a betrayal rather an affirmation of foundational American political principles. In addition to fulfilling this essential debunking function, Mayerfeld’s book masterfully exposes the ways in which U.S. resistance to international law – reflected not only in the idiosyncratic (and patently disingenuous) assertions of the Office of Legal Counsel’s “torture memos,” but also in the prevalent U.S. doctrines governing the interface between the international and domestic legal orders – facilitated the resort to violations of standards that Americans have consistently espoused (even if not so consistently observed). …

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Fußnoten
1
This is not to say that contemporary sovereignty, as embedded in the United Nations Charter-based global order, is identical to earlier conceptions. In a system of sovereign equality, sovereignty is limited both by the equal sovereignty of other states and by the telos of an international order that not only acknowledges but affirmatively protects and even occasionally creates that sovereign authority. This qualified sovereignty is best understood as a set of rebuttable presumptions about barriers to non-consensual norm creation and to coercive norm implementation (Roth 2011).
 
2
Of course, by no means do all political responsibilities require this intensity of connectedness. Responsibilities erga omnes include negative duties to avoid undue impositions on -- let alone predations against -- non-members of the community and episodic affirmative duties, such as to assist foreigners in acute need, especially when this can be done without serious detriment to one’s own community. And to be sure, it is barely plausible that present-day communities face “total war” circumstances, in which acknowledging responsibilities on the basis of the common humanity of the Other would be fatally debilitating to the struggle for communal survival. Fascist invocations of community are wrong not because they are communitarian, but because they cynically distort the nature and functions of political community.
 
3
Waldron has expressed the point orally in roughly these terms, and in writing as follows: “If we go around saying that a commitment to the use of [majority decision] in politics involves a ‘crude statistical view of democracy,’ we will probably want to avoid drawing attention to the fact that ultimately nothing but numbers determines how the Supreme Court, which is supposedly a ‘forum of principle,’ makes its decisions.” (Waldron 2014, p. 1725).
 
4
John Hart Ely’s well-known design has special value in this respect, as it fits with the Schumpeterian interest-group-competition model of democracy that, for better or worse, has enjoyed broad acceptance across the U.S. political spectrum. Ely identifies the kinds of decisions that are systematically beset by political market failure: (1) decisions by which elected officials can insulate themselves from accountability to their electorates; and (2) decisions at the expense of groups that are perpetually disadvantaged in coalition-making (“discrete and insular minorities”). Unelected judges are specially qualified to address these matters by virtue of being experts at process and being situated outside of ordinary political processes (Ely 1980, pp. 73–104).
 
Literatur
Zurück zum Zitat Arendt, Hannah. (1965). On Revolution (Middlesex: Penguin). Arendt, Hannah. (1965). On Revolution (Middlesex: Penguin).
Zurück zum Zitat Ely, John Hart. (1980). Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press). Ely, John Hart. (1980). Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press).
Zurück zum Zitat Mayerfeld, Jamie. (2016), The Promise of Human Rights: Constitutional Government, Democratic Legitimacy, and International Law (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press).CrossRef Mayerfeld, Jamie. (2016), The Promise of Human Rights: Constitutional Government, Democratic Legitimacy, and International Law (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press).CrossRef
Zurück zum Zitat Roth, Brad R. (2011), Sovereign Equality and Moral Disagreement: Premises of a Pluralistic International Legal Order (New York: Oxford University Press).CrossRef Roth, Brad R. (2011), Sovereign Equality and Moral Disagreement: Premises of a Pluralistic International Legal Order (New York: Oxford University Press).CrossRef
Zurück zum Zitat Ross, Gordon D. (1972). “The Federalist and the ‘Experience’ of Small Republics.” Eighteenth-Century Studies 5 (4): 559–568.CrossRef Ross, Gordon D. (1972). “The Federalist and the ‘Experience’ of Small Republics.” Eighteenth-Century Studies 5 (4): 559–568.CrossRef
Zurück zum Zitat Waldron, Jeremy. (2014). “Five to Four: Why Do Bare Majorities Rule on Courts?” Yale Law Journal 123: 1692–1730. Waldron, Jeremy. (2014). “Five to Four: Why Do Bare Majorities Rule on Courts?” Yale Law Journal 123: 1692–1730.
Metadaten
Titel
Unpacking the Relationship Between Sovereignty, Democracy, and Human Rights
verfasst von
Brad R. Roth
Publikationsdatum
17.07.2018
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in
Human Rights Review / Ausgabe 3/2018
Print ISSN: 1524-8879
Elektronische ISSN: 1874-6306
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-018-0525-3

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