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2. What Is Political Extremism?

verfasst von : Sebastian Jungkunz

Erschienen in: The Nature and Origins of Political Extremism In Germany and Beyond

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

Every definition of left- and right-wing extremism should in essence have two components: one that describes the necessary preconditions to be regarded as extremist, and another one that classifies it as either left or right. In this chapter I will pursue three goals: first, I separate the concept of political extremism from the two main competing notions in the literature, i.e. populism and radicalism. Secondly, I define political extremism in general. And thirdly, I lay out what defines and characterizes the extreme left and right. In general, there is a broad consensus about what right-wing extremism is, whereas left-wing extremism is much more difficult to define. Furthermore, the concept itself is split into two parts, i.e. Marxism and anarchism, which can overlap but also be mutually exclusive. It is therefore reasonable to contest the use of an overarching term like left-wing extremism. Analytically, we should therefore speak of Marxist extremism or anarchist extremism to enhance the precision of the subject. Similar appeals should be made to the public debate, which often allocates the label “extremist" uncritical and prematurely to various groups.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Introduction

Nächstes Kapitel A Theory of Political Extremism

There is a strong debate about whether populism can not only be a threat but also a corrective for democracy (Müller, 2016; Rovira Kaltwasser, 2012).

In fact, communist and fascist ideologies are not populist but rather elitist (Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser, 2017).

The German interpretation is strongly based on the official definition of the Verfassungsschutzbericht (annual reports of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution) which uses a similar distinction.

This faces severe criticism today. Many authors argue that it has to be at least a two-dimensional space, e.g. egalitarian vs. anti-egalitarian (equality) and anarchic vs. illiberal (liberty) (Bobbio, 1996), authoritarian vs. libertarian and redistribution vs. market allocation (Kitschelt & McGann, 1995), or integration vs. demarcation on a cultural and an economic dimension (Kriesi et al., 2008). On the individual level there is also sharp critique that citizens differ in their understanding of notions like “left” and “right” (see e.g. Bauer et al., 2017; Jungkunz, 2019). I will elaborate on this further in Chapter 5.

Lipset’s original claim that fascism is based on the extremism of the middle class has been criticized recently. The second and third waves of right-wing extremism have seen a more diverse electorate of right-wing extremist parties among various classes of society (Mudde, 2000).

For instance, Midlarsky (2011, p. 7) considers political extremism as “the will to power by a social movement in the service of a political program typically at variance with that supported by existing state authorities, and for which individual liberties are to be curtailed in the name of collective goals, including the mass murder of those who would actually or potentially disagree with that program. Restrictions on individual freedom in the interests of the collectivity and the willingness to kill massively are central to this definition.” It is obvious that this definition gets far too close to what most people would call terrorism.

Since anti-democracy and anti-pluralism are regarded as necessary elements of any extremist force and I have discussed them already above, I refrain from going into further detail in this chapter.

This list could be extended even further. For instance, the above mentioned characteristics could again crystallize in anti-Americanism or anti-communism, corporatist notions in politics and the economy and cultural pessimism (Zimmermann & Saalfeld, 1993).

The term is also heavily debated (see Butterwegge, 2010). The next chapter returns to that perspective and draws conclusions.

In fact, Marx never presented a systematic theory of his ideas and the last chapter of Das Kapital remains unfinished (Dahrendorf, 1959).

In fact, in some eyes his ideas are seen as “fountainhead of a minor tradition of destructive and violent anarchism which prefers the gun to reason, coercion to persuasion” (Marshall, 2008, p. 306).

Even though he initially welcomed the revolution of 1917, he was a sharp critic of Lenin’s implementation. Of the “dictatorial tendencies” of the Bolshevik government, he writes prophetically, we “are learning in Russia how not to introduce communism" (Kropotkin, 1970, pp. 253–254) and “the very word ‘socialism’ will become a curse, as happened in France with the idea of equality for forty years after the rule of the Jacobins” (Kropotkin, 1973, p. 148).

Some scholars go even further and consider right-wing extremism as inherently anti-democratic, but socialism not necessarily. They argue that right-wing extremist characteristics like racism, xenophobia, or nationalism inevitably go against the tenets of liberal democracy, whereas facets of left-wing extremism like anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, or anti-fascism do not (see Butterwegge, 2010; Neugebauer, 2000).

For instance, Wilhelm Heitmeyer (2018) uses the term “authoritarian-nationalist radicalism” (autoritärer Nationalradikalismus) to describe a form of right-wing extremism that is located between conservative right-wing populism and violent right-wing extremism.

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Titel: What Is Political Extremism?
verfasst von: Sebastian Jungkunz
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Buch: The Nature and Origins of Political Extremism In Germany and Beyond
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-83335-0

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-83336-7

Copyright-Jahr: 2022
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83336-7_2