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Erschienen in: Social Choice and Welfare 1/2019

24.08.2018 | Original Paper

Who emerges from smoke-filled rooms? Political parties and candidate selection

verfasst von: Nicolas Motz

Erschienen in: Social Choice and Welfare | Ausgabe 1/2019

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Abstract

In many countries political parties control who can become a candidate for an election. In this gatekeeping role parties may be tempted to put their own interests first, particularly when voters have little information about candidates. This paper uses a theoretical model to demonstrate that electoral incentives can discipline parties to nominate high-quality candidates even when voters are initially unable to observe quality themselves. In equilibrium voters elect candidates that are ex-ante preferred by the party leader with lower probability. This effectively neutralises the bias of the party leader and induces her to use her superior information to select candidates according to the preferences of the median voter. This result requires that electoral competition is sufficiently strong. If competition is weak, nothing can prevent the party leader from following her own preferences. As ideological alignment between the median voter and a party reduces the degree of competition that this party faces, the median voter can be better off when parties are polarized. Excessively strong competition can be harmful, however, as some politicians cease to be viable candidates and the party leader is less able to select on quality. Allowing the party leadership to nominate candidates strategically makes the benefits of introducing primaries less clear than previously argued in the literature.

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Fußnoten
1
Quality here describes a characteristic of politicians that is valued by voters independently of the implemented policy, such as honesty or competence. The political economics literature often uses the term “valence” instead of quality.
 
2
These last two papers are quite similar to the current one in that they extend a citizen-candidate model by candidate nomination through parties. Compared to those contributions, the results here show that there is less policy convergence when candidates also differ in quality.
 
3
There is voter learning even when the party leader has the same ideal policy as the median voter, as discussed in Sect. 3.4.2.
 
4
It would also be possible to let quality be a continuous variable. The binary representation of quality is chosen for simplicity.
 
5
The assumption that there are groups in society that are better informed than the electorate at large is not uncommon, particularly in the literature on campaign spending and special interest groups (see, for example, Lohmann 1998; Prat 2002; Wittman 2007).
 
6
One reason why the party leader may put less weight on quality is that she faces pressure to nominate the extremist from the more radical members of the party, who may withdraw their support if they feel that their interests are not sufficiently taken into account.
 
7
Members of the US Senate, for example, are almost always native to the state where they were elected. Furthermore, they also tend to highlight this fact in the biographical section of their website or even directly on the homepage.
 
8
If symmetry is imposed, however, the unique equilibrium essentially takes the shape of what will be referred to as the Full Competition equilibrium below.
 
9
The definition of Universal Divinity provided here follows Banks (1990). In the original paper, Banks and Sobel (1987) define Universal Divinity based on an iterative procedure. This is not necessary here as iterations beyond the first round do not eliminate any additional types.
 
10
Universal Divinity requires voters to believe that a deviation happens in the situation where the party leader is most likely to benefit from this deviation. As the party leader puts a positive weight on quality, she is most likely to gain from nominating a candidate if that candidate has high quality. Universal Divinity accordingly imposes that voters believe that unexpectedly nominated politicians have high quality.
 
11
This is especially true when the utility of the median voter from re-electing the incumbent is close to the utility of electing an extremist of high quality. In this case the posterior quality of the extremist must be close to one, which requires \(\eta _E(0,0)\) to be close to zero.
 
12
For simplicity, the figure shows the limit case as w approaches zero. Otherwise the region where the No Competition equilibrium applies would have to be subdivided according to the two different types of No Competition equilibria. The boundaries on the region where the incumbent is always re-elected are derived in Appendix B.
 
13
The derivation of the equilibria in the \(i_L=0\)-case will not be given here as it proceeds exactly as before. The figure again displays the limit case as w approaches zero.
 
14
That is, w is below the threshold at which the party leader nominates a moderate of high quality under No Competition when the extremist has low quality.
 
15
If the position of the median voter was private information and drawn from a smooth distribution, then there would exist a cutoff such that the median voter votes for the incumbent whenever the ideal policy of the median voter falls below the cutoff and votes for the candidate of party C otherwise. The probability that either candidate wins the election can then be calculated based on the cutoff. If the differences between candidates are large, the cutoff may fall outside of the support of the distribution of the position of the median voter, showing that equilibria where the median voter does not mix are consistent with this interpretation of the strategy of the median voter.
 
16
In the extended model Universal Divinity implies that an unexpectedly nominated politician p is of high quality and located as close to the party leader as possible given the distribution \(F_p\).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Who emerges from smoke-filled rooms? Political parties and candidate selection
verfasst von
Nicolas Motz
Publikationsdatum
24.08.2018
Verlag
Springer Berlin Heidelberg
Erschienen in
Social Choice and Welfare / Ausgabe 1/2019
Print ISSN: 0176-1714
Elektronische ISSN: 1432-217X
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s00355-018-1147-z

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