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Erschienen in: Journal of Chinese Political Science 2/2016

03.05.2016 | RESEARCH ARTICLE

China and International Order: The Limits of Integration

verfasst von: Xinyuan Dai, Duu Renn

Erschienen in: Journal of Chinese Political Science | Ausgabe 2/2016

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Abstract

What does the rise of China mean for the international order, especially the liberal institutional order? Despite of the enormous scholarly attention paid to this important question, there has been no systematic effort to map out this order and how China relates to it. We examine the international institutional order using an original dataset, the Multilateral Agreements and Protocols (MAP). We further develop a new metric of a country’s embeddedness in the international institutional order. Our analysis leads us to reconsider prominent conjectures about China’s evolving relationship to the current international liberal order. We find that, relative to the global average, China is less inclined towards deep commitment to the current international institutional order. Indeed, China’s wariness about this order seems in contrast to the growing global appetite for deep commitment. Furthermore, China seems less embedded in some issue areas that are central to the international liberal order. These findings suggest that the integration of China into the current Western liberal order may not be as automatic as some have suggested and reinforce concerns over the future of global governance.

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Fußnoten
1
An almost inseparable question is, what does China’s rise mean for the United States and the West, the presumptuous creators/leaders of the international order? See Zakaria [37], Starobin [31], Mahbubani [20], Swaine [32], and Nye [24].
 
2
See also Nye [24], Bergsten [1]. Bergsten [1], Lampton [18], Ross and Feng [28], Ikenberry [10], Qin and Wei [25].
 
3
A number of scholars have discussed this at length. See Young [36], Mitchell [23], Dai [4], Simmons [30], Keck and Sikkink [13], Risse et al. [26], Ropp et al. [27].
 
4
For information regarding China’s position in global economic governance see Foot and Walter [6], Kennedy [14], Chan and Lee [3] Zeng and Liang [38].
 
5
Some follow-up treaty instruments are procedural amendments, which do not extend the obligations for participating states. Because these instruments are not informative of states adherence to global rules, we do not include them in our analysis.
 
6
Framework agreements that have not led to substantive protocols and protocols that are merely procedural in nature are not included in this analysis, because they do not present opportunities for states to voluntarily go the extra mile.
 
7
Economic treaties do not appear in our analysis for two related reasons. First, we focus on the UNTC which excludes many other types of agreements (e.g. bilateral trade agreements, regional trade agreements, and dealings within the World Trade Organization), recognizing that the international institutional order is best represented by the rules and norms set forward by the UN system and multilateral treaties, as we stated at the end of the previous section [11]. Second, the economic treaties that the UNTC does include do not produce substantive protocols which form our measure of institutional embeddedness.
 
8
This results in nearly 400,000 observations across 193 states, 78 treaty instruments, and 65 years from the end of World War II to 2014.
 
9
Because a country that does not join the initial framework agreement cannot join any subsequent additional protocols, we leave these cases out of our analysis. Additionally, our unit of analysis shifts from country-year-treaty to country-year observation specific to each treaty family. This changes our total number of observations to about 85,000 observations.
 
10
Embeddedness scores from treaty families with more than one additional protocol are not weighted as such large families are not common in the data and risk skewing the averages. Using the pair-wise embeddedness measure (which weighs large treaty families more than small ones) does not change rank-order but does make differences between countries more noticeable.
 
11
Russia inherits the treaty membership and obligations of the USSR following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Note that German treaty membership in this and all other figures is that of West Germany during the Cold War.
 
12
The average embeddedness level that we use throughout these comparisons does not explicitly account for the number of frameworks that a country joins. A country can join a framework any time after its introduction, so it would be incorrect to conflate the number of frameworks with the date (though there is a relationship). One way to take into consideration of rising number of framework agreements states join and thus make sure that our comparisons are relatively similar (states within the comparison groups are part of a similar number of agreements) is to plot this explicitly. We find that the countries that we use throughout the comparisons are joining a similar number of agreement and that China is actually joining a small proportion of protocols for each agreement that it joins compared to these other nations. This is further evidence of reluctance on the part of China to embed itself into the IIO. See the appendix for a full list of these figures.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
China and International Order: The Limits of Integration
verfasst von
Xinyuan Dai
Duu Renn
Publikationsdatum
03.05.2016
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in
Journal of Chinese Political Science / Ausgabe 2/2016
Print ISSN: 1080-6954
Elektronische ISSN: 1874-6357
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-016-9403-5

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