After presenting the descriptive statistics, we report the results linked to each research question in sequence.
Descriptive statistics
A total of 80 respondents represent an overall response rate of ~ 49% (80/162) across the four programs (Table
4). Of the 80 respondents, a majority identified as Native American (
n = 47, 59%) with only 22% self-identifying as White or Asian and 8% as “other” that includes African-American, Hispanic/Latino, Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander. Of the total respondents, 71% identified as female (
n = 56 of 80 total), with 68% of Native American respondents identifying as female (
n = 32). Additional demographic information is provided for all respondents in Table
4, but remaining analyses focused only on students that self-reported as Native American only and Native American bi-/multi-racial.
Table 4
Demographic characteristics of all survey participants (N = 80, 49% of total possible) and AIAN participants (n = 47) from four summer internships
Race/Ethnicity* |
AIAN | 47 (59%) | 47 (100%) |
White or Asian | 22 (28%) | – |
Other | 8 (10%) | – |
Gender** |
Female | 56 (71%) | 32 (68%) |
Male | 23 (29%) | 15 (32%) |
Program participation |
NIH/NINDS | 43 (54%) | 19 (40%) |
NARI | 19 (24%) | 19 (40%) |
UPN/CURE | 18 (23%) | 9 (19%) |
Student’s academic status |
High school graduate (or less) | 17 (21%) | 11 (23%) |
Undergraduate (some college) | 54 (68%) | 30 (64%) |
Bachelor's degree | 7 (9%) | 5 (11%) |
Master's degree or higher | 2 (2%) | 1 (2%) |
Number of prior summer internships** |
0 | 34 (43%) | 20 (43%) |
1 | 31 (39%) | 18 (38%) |
2 | 9 (11%) | 5 (11%) |
3 + | 5 (6%) | 3 (6%) |
Childhood community |
Tribal lands or reservation* | 28 (35%) | 27 (57%) |
Suburban | 25 (31%) | 6 (13%) |
Urban | 16 (20%) | 10 (21%) |
Rural | 11 (14%) | 4 (9%) |
Parent or legal guardian academic status |
High school graduate (or less) | 25 (31%) | 20 (43%) |
Associate's degree | 11 (14%) | 6 (13%) |
Bachelor's degree | 18 (23%) | 11 (23%) |
Master's degree or higher | 26 (33%) | 10 (21%) |
An equivalent percentage of Native American respondents were in the NIH/NINDS summer internship (40%) and NARI (40%), with only 19% in the UNM/UPN programs. Most of the Native American students were current undergraduates (64%) and 23% either just completed high school or were current high school students. Only 13% either recently completed their undergraduate degrees or were in a graduate program. Almost half of the students (43%) reported summer 2017 as their first internship with 38% indicating it was their second. The remainder (17%) of students reported two or more internships. Over half of the Native American students reported living on tribal lands or a reservation (57%) and approximately one-third in urban or suburban settings (34%). Approximately one-half of the students reported their parent or legal guardian’s academic status as a high school graduate or less (43%). However, 21% of the students reported that one or both of their parents/legal guardians had a Master’s degree or higher.
What cultural and psychosocial factors explain variance in Native American students' intent to pursue a career in the sciences?
We modeled variance in Native American students' intent to pursue a career in the sciences (on a scale of 1–5,
M = 3.80; SD = 1.15) as a linear combination of summed scores tied to science identity (on a scale of 6–30,
M = 24.17; SD = 3.98). In model 1, science identity explained significant variance in intent to pursue a career in the sciences,
F(1, 44) = 57.37,
p < 0.001. This model explained a significant amount of variance,
r2 = 0.56,
p < 0.001 (Table
5).
Table 5
Model of intent to pursue a career in science
Model 1: Intent to pursue a career in the sciences modeled as a function of science identity |
Intercept | − 1.44 | .70 | | − 2.05* |
Science identity | .22 | .03 | .75 | 7.57** |
Model 2: Intent to pursue a career in the sciences modeled as a function of science identity and AIAN Identity |
Intercept | −.93 | .80 | | − 1.61 |
Science identity | .23 | .03 | .79 | 7.68** |
AIAN Identity | − 06 | .05 | −.13 | − 1.30 |
Model 3: Intent to pursue a career in the sciences modeled as a function of science identity and science self-efficacy |
Intercept | − 1.12 | .86 | | − 1.30 |
Science identity | .23 | .04 | .80 | 6.25** |
Science self-efficacy | −.02 | .04 | −.08 | −.64 |
In model 2, we added a variable for Native American identity (on a scale of 3–15, M = 12.50; SD = 2.45). Model 2 did not explain significantly more variance in intent to pursue a career in the sciences than model 1, F(2, 43) = 29.98, p < 0.001, r2 = 0.58, p > 0.05. We therefore omitted this variable from the model.
In model 3, we added a variable for science self-efficacy (on a scale of 7–35, M = 28.54; SD = 3.98). Model 3 did not explain significantly more variance in intent to pursue a career in the sciences than model 1, F(2, 43) = 28.50, p < 0.001, r2 = 0.55, p > 0.05. We therefore omitted this variable from the model. These models suggest that variance in science identity accounted for approximately 56% of variance in Native American students’ intent to persist in science, but that Native American identity and science self-efficacy did not directly explain variance in intent to persist in science.
These models suggest that students who possess stronger science identities are likelier to report that they intend to pursue a career in science, and this aligns with findings in studies using similar methods (e.g., Chemers et al.
2011). However, our models also suggested that variance in science self-efficacy did not predict intent to pursue a science career, a finding that does not align with the majority of studies (e.g., Chemers et al.
2011), many of which included students from well-represented groups (Hanauer et al.
2016). Given that in studies of students of color (primarily Black and Latinx students) only science identity predicted longer-term persistence (Estrada, Hernandez, et al.
2018), and that research reporting on successful STEM professional’s accounts of wayfinding and forging intertwined science and Indigenous identities (Page-Reeves et al.
2017), we were curious to more deeply investigate Native American students’ identities as scientists using qualitative analysis of interview transcripts.
What characterizes Native American students’ identities as scientists and how do they situate themselves as belonging in a community?
Overall, and correspondent to prior qualitative findings (Page-Reeves et al.
2017), students’ identities as scientists were inextricably linked to their identities as members of Native communities and tribes. When describing their identities as scientists, they commonly referenced their Native identity and sense of belonging. They likewise discussed belonging as it related to their home communities, their research labs, and to the broader scientific communities, often in interconnected ways.
Native identity and belonging. All four students recognized being Native as part of their identity. This came out in their introductions, as they introduced themselves by sharing their tribal affiliation(s). The students all made references to the Native experience, such as using the phrase “on the rez.” Even Kara, who explained that she had not grown up on a reservation, talked about connections to her culture and a sense of isolation at being away: “This was my first time not being primarily surrounded by Natives and being so far away from home, and I felt like the minority of minorities… I still felt slightly isolated and I felt like my mentors didn’t understand necessarily, my Native identity there.”
Native science identity and belonging. All four students discussed their science identities as being motivated by their Native identities. For instance, Kara argued, “We need more Natives treating Natives… I got to help my people… and that’s how I ended up at the Native American Research Internship.” Johona explained that her community “is known for like, like, um with facts or like we have a lot of high teen suicide rates, and um so that’s pretty much like why I wanted to go to public health.” Madalyn explained, “I want to be a pediatrician. And also doing research on diabetes and childhood obesity that is something near and dear to my heart because of my rez… that’s the highest cause of death… my grandma struggles with it and my grandpa struggles with it. And so that’s my goal—to give back and also because growing up on the rez I never had a consistent pediatrician… so I want to be able to go back eventually… and build trust with children especially in the Native community…” In these comments, we see these young women position themselves as future science professionals who serve their Indigenous communities, and this finding concurs with the results of interview studies with successful professionals who described this as a key motivator (Page-Reeves, Cortez, et al.
2019).
Students situated themselves as belonging to their lab or the broader science field, yet erstwhile connected this to their Native identities and familial connections. For instance, Kara explained, “a lot of what makes me feel like a scientist is being in the lab specifically … and then being validated by my family, like, my family, like ‘wow, you’re in the lab, and you’re curing cancer. You’re so cool. You’re a scientist,’ and so that kind of, that’s a huge feeling like a scientist thing.”
Madalyn, when reflecting on the increased numbers of Native American students in her program over three years, explained that “going from seeing only five other Native Americans to seeing me and thirty other Native Americans and Latinas” is like “seeing this whole new world beyond the reservation lines. I thought that was pretty cool.”
Native American students viewed science as an important part of who they are and made clear that it is not in conflict with their cultural integrity. Thus, students’ identities as scientists are interconnected to their Native identities and sense of belonging in science. We note that these interpretations are correspondent with findings reported elsewhere. Specifically, Page-Reeves et al. (
2017) and (
2019) showed that successful Indigenous professionals forged intertwined identities, and in particular, noted that while there was great diversity across the particular accounts of their wayfinding, all of these successful professionals strongly expressed a sense of their Indigenous identity (Page-Reeves et al.
2017). Indeed, their accounts of wayfinding en route to their successful careers (Page-Reeves, Marin, et al.
2019a,
b) are visible in our interviewees’ in-progress accounts. This suggests that our interviewees, while they faced their own particular journeys, were already on the path these successful professionals described and were engaged in forging their intertwined Native and science identities. Based on this qualitative analysis, paired with past research showing that self-efficacy is typically tied to science identity, we decided to conduct further regression modeling to explain variance in Native American students’ science identity.
What cultural and psychosocial factors explain variance in Native American students' science identity?
Variance in students’ science identity (on a scale of 6–30,
M = 24.17; SD = 3.98) was modeled as a linear combination of summed scores tied to science self-efficacy (on a scale of 7 to 35,
M = 28.54; SD = 3.98). Overall, students reported high science self-efficacy, but those with prior internship experience had significantly higher self-efficacy,
t(60) = 2.04,
p < 0.05. In model 1, science self-efficacy explained significant variance in science identity,
F(1, 44) = 28.76,
p < 0.001. This model explained a significant amount of variance,
r2 = 0.38,
p < 0.001 (Table
6).
Table 6
Model of science identity
Model 1: Science identity modeled as a function of science self-efficacy |
Intercept | 6.21 | 3.38 | | 1.84 |
Science self-efficacy | .63 | .12 | .63 | 5.36** |
Model 2: Science identity modeled as a function of science self-efficacy and AIAN Identity |
Intercept | 1.34 | 3.85 | | 0.35 |
Science self-efficacy | .62 | .11 | .63 | 5.49** |
AIAN identity | .42 | .18 | .29 | 2.32* |
In model 2, Native American identity (on a scale of 3–15, M = 12.50; SD = 2.45) was added. Model 2 explained significantly more variance in science identity than model 1, F(2, 43) = 18.51, p < 0.001, r2 = 0.44, p < 0.05.
Thus, Native American students who expressed a strong sense of science identity also had higher science self-efficacy and a stronger sense of Native American identity. This model aligns with findings from qualitative analysis that suggested that science identity is intertwined with Native American identity. This less direct route to persistence situates Native identity as a resource for developing science identity, in line with research that accounts for such work as a form of wayfinding (Page-Reeves, Marin, et al.
2019a,
b).
In what ways do Native American students attribute internship and other science experiences as contributing to their sense of belonging in a science community?
In interviews, Native students elaborated on the significant role mentors played in contributing to their sense of belonging in science. Native American students noted that they benefited from mentors who were approachable and ready to support and value their contributions. This support came in various forms, described in similar ways by all students interviewed. Specifically, they described supportive mentors as those who provided active hands-on experiences; those who emphasized relationship building and belonging; and those who valued diversity and Native American identity. For those students who had a Native American mentor, specifically, they mentioned how impactful the experience was. Each of these is detailed below.
Good mentors engage Native American students in active, hands-on science. All students mentioned the importance of active, hands-on science experiences. Madalyn had multiple research experiences and evaluated her experiences and mentors according to whether or not she participated in an active, hands-on manner. She recounted that in her first summer research experience, she was “mostly doing data sheets and working on Excel” and shared that her mentor “found ways to make it seem like I didn’t know what I was doing and kind of like belittled my intelligence… [which] discouraged me a little from maybe applying the next year because I didn’t want to be treated like that. But then the next year I got put into a lab working with HTLV-1 and my mentor was completely incredible.” Likewise, Kara’s tone elicited affirmation and excitement when describing her active, hands-on science research experiences, such as when she “worked under one of my organic chemistry professors where I helped develop a protocol for extracting ethanol from corn stock.” As Chumani spoke about working in the lab and coming to understand the work she was doing, she explained, “now I know I absolutely want to be here, and I know that I absolutely belong here.” While much research has argued for the value of such experiences in supporting learning, we see alignment here with research on Native STEM professionals’ identity work being connected to having personal agency (Page-Reeves, Marin, et al.
2019a,
b).
See potential and develop it. Mentors can support Native American students simply by seeing potential and building on that potential. Even seemingly small moves left an impression on Johona, who explained “I had like one specific like chemistry professor that was like ‘Hey. I really think you should do this. Here’s what it’s like.’ [He] laid it all out for me, explained the program and it’s like, […] those few like teachers in high school that like show you, like ‘You can do this.’”.
Madalyn described how a mentor helped her take up an agentive role in science by seeing failure as part of the process of science, which in turn made it safer to take risks and fail: “So this may not come off as, like, supportive, but my first summer at the University of South Dakota my mentor, he wasn’t really like a ‘I’m going show you everything.’ He’s like, ‘I want you to figure it out to test yourself.’ And me being who I am was like, ‘No, like this makes me anxious, like I don’t want to mess up’ and he was like, ‘That’s what science is… you’re going to mess up. I did not get here in my career because everything went smoothly.’ I feel like that was the best advice anybody could have given me.” As with offering opportunities for hands-on science, when mentors see and develop potential, students have chances to exercise their personal agency, which others have argued is a critical component of becoming an Indigenous scientist (Page-Reeves, Marin, et al.
2019a,
b).
Relationship building and belonging. Students affirmed the power of relationship building and belonging fostered by mentors. Kara shared: “I was supported by other grad students that I met there and the mentors and directors of the program really wanted me to succeed and they- we still keep in contact, so they still really care and stuff like that…” In discussing her application and search for graduate schools, Kara declared that “wherever I end up there needs to be a support group for Natives… and [when] interviewing at Utah I was like okay, I’m already family and like I’m meeting up with them during my interview weekend. I get to see them and they’re like, ‘You’re doing amazing, you’re going to do great in grad school wherever you go’ and it’s like okay, I’m going to come here now because you say this to me all the time; it’s going to make it that much easier.” Kara explained “something that has made me feel like things are working and are making me happy are things like having a sense of community with the other students so making sure that there are planned activities.”
When talking about how she got her first internship, Madalyn described that “I got the internship through my chemistry teacher, and I excelled at that and I got published… and he thought, you know, I had the potential to do so and I feel like I proved him right…” This same mentor met with her outside the classroom, took her to conferences, and connected her to new people and internship programs. He was the “one who really believed in me” As others have noted, social relations are central to wayfinding (Page-Reeves, Marin, et al.
2019a,
b). Mentors who not only see and develop potential, but do so from a relational stance can reinforce Native students’ sense of belonging even as they navigate their own paths.
Supportive of diversity and Native identity. Students recognized the importance of mentor support for diversity in general and their Native identity in particular. Kara emphasized that “My more recent mentors at Utah have really been very supportive. So my PI is a white old man but he understands like that being Native is my identity and he supports my endeavors in that. So you know I’m at AISES so he lets me come to these conferences. We were just awarded a grant that supports diversity in the lab, so like now I’m free to him. So that’s really exciting. So he’s always been really supportive of it. He hasn’t played a role in any sense of how or what my Native identity is at all, but he supports the idea.”
Mentors enhanced the students’ experience by connecting the research to students’ identity and/or community. As Johona talked about her mentor, she explained that early on, she confessed to her mentor, “I do’'t get this, like, my school’s not this advanced” to which her mentor replied, “Okay. That’s fine.” She related a later conversation with the mentor, which occurred as they reflected on working with depressed patients in their research. She had noticed a patient say “I live in three worlds” and thought “I say I live in two worlds” as a Native person. She brought this up, and her mentor was appreciative of this, acknowledging that she had not even noticed it, and that she was grateful for Johona’s perspective.
Native mentorship. For the students who experienced Native mentorship, this shared identity had a profound and lasting impact. Madalyn disclosed, “My mentor was completely incredible like also because she was Native American and so she could like understand my experiences, and we could like talk about those things together and like I was more comfortable talking to her and she’s incredibly intelligent so anything and everything that she asked of me, she explained in a way I can understand it.”
Similarly, Chumani shared an influential conversation she had with a Native mentor who talked to her about imposter syndrome or feeling like one does not belong: “You made it, but you still feel like you don't belong. And that's exactly where I was. ((laughs)) Sometimes I still feel like that, but just uh with, with her being in the lab being in this really diverse lab and telling me like she goes, ‘I don't feel that way.’ She tells me that uh she says 'I belong here and I worked my butt off to get here. And I know what I'm doing.’ … She still ((up tone)) exists. She exists. She does the job- um, really makes me feel like- like I can keep pushing the outsider syndrome away.”