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Erschienen in: Constitutional Political Economy 1/2009

01.03.2009 | Original Paper

Do authoritarian institutions mobilize economic cooperation?

verfasst von: Abel Escribà-Folch

Erschienen in: Constitutional Political Economy | Ausgabe 1/2009

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Abstract

This paper explores the effect of dictatorial institutions on revenue composition. The higher the degree of institutionalization of the regime, the higher the perceived levels of legitimacy, efficiency and credibility, so taxes that require cooperation and compliance can be more effectively collected from the population. Institutionalized regimes thus make sense if non-tax revenue sources are scarce so limited representation must be granted in exchange of economic support. Our selection-corrected results show that more institutionalized regimes are able to collect more taxes on income, profits and capital gains, taxes on goods and services, taxes on property and payroll taxes.

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Fußnoten
1
See Smith (2005) for a similar argument.
 
2
See also Lassen (2000).
 
3
Aid may include budgetary support, security collaborations, concessionary loans, loan forgiveness, and financing of different kinds of development projects.
 
4
Fines and administrative fees are included in the non-tax revenue category; see below the definitions of the variables.
 
5
Or “quasy-voluntary compliance” in Levi’s (1988) terms.
 
6
See, for instance, Bates and Lien (1985), North and Weingast (1989), Huntington (1991), and Ross (2004).
 
7
These are the three factors identified by Fauvelle-Aymar (1999) that would influence taxpayers’ behavior and, as a result, the tax capacity of the government.
 
8
Aliança Renovadora Nacional.
 
9
Movimento Democrático Brasileiro.
 
10
World Development Indicators, World Bank (2002).
 
11
Seventy-five percent of the world’s total oil production and 90% of the reserves are in the hands of state-owned enterprises (Morrison 2005).
 
12
See Therkildsen (2002) for a discussion.
 
13
The use of instrumental variables in this context method presents two problems. First it would only correct the endogeneity problem in case the bias only stems from observable variables. Nonetheless, given the potential influence of preferences and the higher degree of personal autonomy of dictatorial leaders, the role of some unobservable variable cannot be ruled out. Secondly, finding an instrument for an institutional variable is an extremely difficult task; and the problem becomes even more acute given the categorical nature of our categorization of dictatorial regimes.
 
14
Namely, j = 0 for non-institutionalized dictatorships, j = 1 for regimes with a single institution, and j = 2 for fully institutionalized regimes.
 
15
Concretely, that ε and υ are jointly normally distributed.
 
16
See footnote 12.
 
17
We use both multinomial as well as ordered logistic regressions.
 
18
See the appendix for a description of the data used throughout this paper.
 
19
Hence, we agree with Fauvelle-Aymar (1999) in considering essential for the full understanding of revenue policy, especially among developing countries, the inclusion of non-tax revenues.
 
20
We follow the classification of regimes developed by Przeworski et al. (2000), which has been recently updated.
 
21
The correlation between the percentage of revenue levied from taxes on international trade and taxes on incomes and profits is −0.15.
 
22
It is 0.40 for the whole sample.
 
23
We have run Breusch-Pagan tests to check for dependent equations.
 
24
The tables containing the selection-corrected coefficients for the revenue components of the two models (SUR and panel corrected standard errors) are not reported but are available from the author.
 
25
The sign of the difference should be interpreted as follows: “No inst. vs. single inst.” means that the average of second institutional setting is subtracted to the average of the first, so a negative difference shows that the average of the second, “single inst.” in this example, is bigger.
 
26
The data are taken from Penn World Tables 5.6 and cover the period from 1950 to 2000.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Do authoritarian institutions mobilize economic cooperation?
verfasst von
Abel Escribà-Folch
Publikationsdatum
01.03.2009
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Constitutional Political Economy / Ausgabe 1/2009
Print ISSN: 1043-4062
Elektronische ISSN: 1572-9966
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-008-9052-6

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