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Erschienen in: Economics of Governance 2/2019

15.11.2018 | Original Paper

Expenditure visibility and voter memory: a compositional approach to the political budget cycle in Indian states, 1959–2012

verfasst von: J. Stephen Ferris, Bharatee Bhusana Dash

Erschienen in: Economics of Governance | Ausgabe 2/2019

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Abstract

In this paper we argue that the political budget cycle test for opportunistic spending is weakened by the absence of a strong reason for why spending increases should be restricted to the time period leading into the next election. One would expect that a targeted benefit should elicit the same degree of voter support whenever it is received. Here we argue that while the political need to fulfill a list of pre-election promises serves to constrain excessive spending, the characteristic that some expenditure items better demonstrate the contributions of the current government to voters (with depreciating memories) leads to a predictable reallocation of the composition of budgetary spending across the life of a government. Our test for a predictable timing pattern to subcomponents of the budget uses capital expenditures as the budgetary item with greater visibility spillovers and a data set of 14 Indian states over 54 years (1959/60–2012/13). The predictions that capital expenditures relative to both total government expenditure and government consumption should rise across the governing interval are found to be consistent with the data and provide a better fit with the data than more traditional political budget cycle models that use aggregate spending/deficits in the pre-election period.

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Fußnoten
1
See Hessami (2018) who provides explicit evidence of electoral response by examining the behaviour of elected versus appointed Mayors across German cities.
 
2
While our paper focuses on the expenditure side of fiscal policy, see Abrams and Iossifov (2012) and Funashima (2016) for its application to monetary policy.
 
3
See Khemani (2004) for evidence that voter registration and participation in state elections is widespread in India.
 
4
Should neo-conservative voters be concerned with debt accumulating across governing terms, deficits could be run early to allow credit for pre-election budget surpluses while still fulfilling overall spending commitments (see Peltzman 1992).
 
5
There is also a supply side effect in targeted capital spending if construction jobs are valued prizes for targetable groups. Because data on the jobs created from government funded capital projects is not available in India, we could not pursue the supply side effects of targeted capital spending.
 
6
The selected states are Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal. Dependence on central transfers hampers the fiscal autonomy of the small and/or special category states which is why these states are not included in the analysis. Among the selected states, Gujarat was carved out from Bombay state in 1960 and Haryana from Punjab in 1966. Data for these two states is available only from the year of their creation and that leaves us with an unbalanced panel dataset.
 
7
The fiscal deficit in India is defined as excess of total budget expenditure over total revenue receipts excluding borrowings implying an amount of borrowing. A negative (positive) number means fiscal deficit (surplus).
 
8
Over our time period there were 167 state elections arising within or 14 Indian states with 123 or 74% taking place as scheduled. Of the 44 early elections 26 or 60% involved coalition governments.
 
9
Evidence that elapse is significant is not inconsistent with Khemani’s hypothesis. However, by using the ratio in early as well as late governing years, the test permits evidence of the emergence of an election cycle even when targeted spending in the pre-election period is not significantly different from an average of all years.
 
10
Political parties that have a legislative presence in multiple states are defined as a national party and parties whose legislative presence is confined to a particular state are defined as regional parties. Regional parties are also known as state parties. In this paper, we have used the Election Commission of India’s criteria to differentiate between national and regional party. Detailed criteria are available at http://​eci.​nic.​in/​archive/​press/​current/​PN05122k.​htm.
 
11
Development expenditure constitutes the aggregate spending on social and economic services. Spending on items such as health, education, infrastructure, agriculture, and industry, rural development, roads and transport are parts of it.
 
12
See Dash and Raja (2013) for a more detailed testing of the effects of political ideology and partisanship on the level and composition of state expenditures.
 
13
We use the first generation test of the panel unit root of Fisher-type (Choi 2001), and the second generation test of the panel unit root of Pesaran (2007) to confirm that the orders of integration of all our variables are either I(0) or I(1). The individual results are presented in the data appendix as Table 9.
 
14
Stata-based xtpmg routine developed by Blackburne and Frank (2007) is used to estimate all three models (MG, PMG, and DFE).
 
15
In our sample 167 state elections were held of which 123 or 74% were scheduled elections.
 
16
See Khemani (2004, Table 5c, p. 143).
 
17
The estimated error correction terms are both large in absolute size indicating relatively rapid convergence of departures in the capital ratios to their equilibrium long run path.
 
18
Clustering to account for dependence within state groupings is relevant only for the DFE version of the test and does not significantly change the reported DFE results.
 
19
See Brender and Drazen (2005, p. 1283) who write ”one way to address the endogeneity bias from reverse causation or from shocks affecting both the election date and the fiscal balance is to separate out those elections whose timing is pre-determined. We do this by looking at the constitutionally determined election interval taking as pre-determined those elections which were held either at the fixed interval or within the expected year of the constitutionally fixed term”.
 
20
Fully sixty percent of early state elections (26 of 44) arose from the inability to form or hold together a coalition of governing parties for reasons that ranged from personality/cultural incompatibilities to fundamental program disagreements on spending/deficit priorities.
 
21
During the period of our study, 167 state elections were held and of them 44 involved mid-term elections while the remaining 123 were scheduled elections.
 
22
Note that neither coefficient estimate differs significantly from the combined average of 0.028. To economize on space the full results of this and the following sensitivity tests are not presented but are available on request. The same separation was used to test for a difference on the pre-election period of scheduled elections only (rather than elapse). The results were similar in that they indicate a smaller (rather than larger) response in the initial governing period than in the second or subsequent governing terms.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Expenditure visibility and voter memory: a compositional approach to the political budget cycle in Indian states, 1959–2012
verfasst von
J. Stephen Ferris
Bharatee Bhusana Dash
Publikationsdatum
15.11.2018
Verlag
Springer Berlin Heidelberg
Erschienen in
Economics of Governance / Ausgabe 2/2019
Print ISSN: 1435-6104
Elektronische ISSN: 1435-8131
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-018-0216-1

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