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Erschienen in: Political Behavior 3/2022

11.03.2022 | Original Paper

How Do Partisans Navigate Intra-Group Conflict? A Theory of Leadership-Driven Motivated Reasoning

verfasst von: Alexandra Filindra, Laurel Harbridge-Yong

Erschienen in: Political Behavior | Ausgabe 3/2022

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Abstract

When faced with co-partisan politicians who disagree publicly, what side do partisan voters take? We draw on social identity theory to develop a theory of partisan leadership cues arguing that leaders have a key role in social groups and because of that centrality, and accounting for affect-based motivation, co-partisan voters resist ingroup dissent. We test this theory with a series of experiments focused on leaders who violate democratic norms and responses from within the party that reflect loyalty or dissent. Our findings show that co-partisan voters are loathe to punish misbehaving leaders, except when their action represents a major threat and the criticism comes from a high ranking party member. Ingroup critics of the leader risk their own reputation in the process. Importantly, leadership effects occur even in fictitious partisan contexts when partisans have no prior affect for a leader or critic. Our findings point to the power of party leaders in groups and raise questions about the prospects for democratic criticism and accountability.

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Fußnoten
1
Our experiments were not pre-registered.
 
2
Despite salient intra-party conflicts in recent years—e.g., the Tea Party/House Freedom Caucus in the GOP (e.g., Blum 2020) and the Progressive wing in the Democratic Party (Thomsen, 2017)—and the link between intra-party policy disagreements and gridlock (Curry & Lee, 2020), polarization between the parties is much starker than the policy differences within the parties (McCarty, 2019).
 
3
Gallup includes one to three polls in the trend data for each president. We use the first poll of a given month if more than one poll is reported for that month.
 
4
The steep drop at the tail end of the Trump data represents a poll taken after the January 6th storming of the Capitol, days before Biden’s inauguration.
 
5
Another possible consideration is respondents’ assessment of the costliness of the criticism to Romney and the motivation behind it (was it opportunism or loyalty to the party?). We address the second question in our experiments, see especially Fig. 3 and Appendix D5. The first question is more complicated (for example, was it easier for Romney to vote for impeachment than it was for other Republicans?) because it is difficult to determine whose criteria of costliness to use: the critic, the respondent, or the investigator. Our analysis is not designed to fully address these complexities.
 
6
While we discuss the potential psychological processes at play, our analyses focus on the observable implications of the theory and boundary conditions.
 
7
We make no claims about the relative status of state and federal officials.
 
8
The studies were fielded on Lucid (quota-based national samples) and on MTurk (convenience samples of Republicans). While respondent quality and representativeness can vary in online samples, both online platforms are commonly used in experimental studies where internal validity is achieved through the experimental design and the samples allow for a reasonable degree of external validity (Berinsky et al., 2012). The studies also included a number of quality control checks on the data (see appendices for more details on each study).
 
9
Although real and highly salient cue-givers produce somewhat larger effects, on average, than hypothetical cue-givers, the use of real versus hypothetical leaders is unlikely to alter the core findings in experiments (Brutger et al., 2021).
 
10
Since the names are held constant across all treatment conditions, any impact of a particular name is controlled for in our analyses.
 
11
This effect approaches significance (p < 0.10) for those respondents in the high crime seriousness condition, suggesting a rally effect.
 
12
Appendix I provides power calculations that show that our studies had the power to detect relatively modest effects (e.g., one-fifth of a standard deviation), suggesting that these are fairly precisely estimated null results.
 
13
As in previous experiments, the name of the senator was selected to reflect a white Anglo male and no state was associated with the senator.
 
14
The discrepancy in affective attachments toward Trump but not our hypothetical critic means that a penalty for the critic would be consistent with both our partisan leadership cue theory and affective motivated reasoning.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
How Do Partisans Navigate Intra-Group Conflict? A Theory of Leadership-Driven Motivated Reasoning
verfasst von
Alexandra Filindra
Laurel Harbridge-Yong
Publikationsdatum
11.03.2022
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Political Behavior / Ausgabe 3/2022
Print ISSN: 0190-9320
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-6687
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-022-09779-1

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